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Sports in Mesopotamia: 3 (2015-08-31)

Frieze of king lion hunting, from the royal palace of king Ashurbanipal of Assyria (668-627 BC). Now exhibited in the British Museum in London.

This image shows a rendition of the Assyrian king Ashurbanipal performing a lion hunt. This event was popular among Assyrian kings and was done in front of a large crowd. This piece specifically shows the king seizing the lion while it attempts to attack the king. The king appears to not be phased by the lion—a sign of bravery to display to the people—and the lion appears to have already been pierced by an arrow of the king.

Lion hunting would become another popular sport in ancient Mesopotamia, with particular prominence in kingdoms such as Assyria. This sport was meant to be a public spectacle and had the purpose of displaying a king's bravery and his protection of the people. The lions were most likely caught for the king, where they would be released for him to hunt within some type of stadium or arena.

credit: Smith, Patrick A.

Sports in Mesopotamia: 2 (2015-08-30)

Terracotta plaque of wrestlers and boxers located in Nintu Temple in Khafaji. This piece dates back to the Early Dynastic Period (3000-2340 BC). Currently located in the Iraq Museum in Baghdad.

Wrestling and boxing were two of the most popular sports from ancient Mesopotamian times, and both have especially early starting dates. In this piece, we can see numerous men engaged in both competitive, combative sports.

Boxing appears to have existed even earlier than the date of this piece (ca. 2500 BC). This is apparently due to the fact that the two men boxing on the right side appear to be wearing boxing gloves of some sort. Specific equipment used for the sport is probable proof that it had already existed some time, and also shows an early development of specialized sports equipment in general.

Sports such as wrestling and boxing were likely important parts of religious events or festivals and served as entertainment and as tribute to gods.

credit: Smith, Patrick A.

Sports in Mesopotamia: 1 (2015-08-29)

Bronze cast of two male wrestlers from the Early Dynastic period, from Khafaji, east of Baghdad, ca. 2600 BC. Wrestlers appear to be balancing jugs on top of their heads.

Sports such as wrestling and boxing were popular forms of sport and entertainment in ancient Mesopotamian cultures in Sumer and Babylonia. These sports can be traced back to the third millennium BC, and very probably existed earlier. Wrestling can even be seen in the classic Sumerian "Epic of Gilgamesh," which contains a wrestling match between the Uruk king Gilgamesh and his cohort Enkidu. The two characters wrestle in competition and become companions after bonding through competitive sport. Wrestling may have also had religious significance.

There is no known reason why some wrestlers wore jugs on their heads, although it appears to have been for some additional challenge or hazard.

credit: Smith, Patrick A.

Water: 5 (2015-08-28)

The Epic of Gilgamesh Flood Tablet XI from Nineveh in the 7th century BC.

The Assyrian King Ashurbanipal (669-631 BC) preserved thousands of cuneiform tablets in his palace at Nineveh. One of these tablets was the Epic of Gilgamesh Flood Tablet XI. Gilgamesh was the legendary ruler of Uruk and the story tells of his search for immortality. The eleventh tablet describes the meeting of Gilgamesh and Utnapishtim. As similarly described in the tale of Noah’s Ark, the gods warned Utnapishtim of the imminent flood they were sending to destroy the unruly civilization. Utnapishtim “built a boat and loaded it with all his precious possessions, his kin, domesticated and wild animals and skilled craftsmen of every kind.” Utnapishtim landed the boat on a mountain and survived to find the waters had receded. Further reading.

CDLI entry: P273210

credit: Cornell, Lauryn

Water: 4 (2015-08-27)

Akkadian Greenstone seal created by the scribe Adda during the military control of the kings of Agade (2300-2200 BC).

This cylinder seal depicts Sumerian gods. The gods are distinguishable by their pointed hats with multiple horns. One of the gods on the seal is Enki, the Sumerian God of water and wisdom. Along with the pointed hat, Enki is shown with two streams of water flowing out of his shoulders, and a line of fish in between the streams facing toward him. He is also shown holding Zu, the storm bird.

“En” means lord and “ki” means earth. Enki is the main god of the city of Eridu. Enki is known as the God of water because water is not only stronger than earth, but it also fertilizes earth. Enki, who later became known as Ea by the Babylonians, was a powerful god also associated with male fertility. Sumerians used their gods to explain phenomenon happening around them. Enki controlled the growth of crops along with the rains and floods. When rains were infrequent or destructive floods occurred, the Sumerians believed it was the gods punishing them for sin. A tablet was discovered describing a world free from danger and terror. There were no snakes, hyenas, or lions, and everyone spoke one language. A behavior of the humans angered the god Enki and he sent a flood to destroy the humans. Further reading .

credit: Cornell, Lauryn

Water: 3 (2015-08-26)

Marsh Arabs lived on artificial islands on the marshlands of the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers.

The marshes where the Marsh Arabs live were created by the silt buildup from the flooding of the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers. The marshlands are covered with reeds and grasses that can grow up to 25 feet high. The Marsh Arabs used a long slender boat for fishing and to collect reeds. They would use spears to catch fish and hunt birds. Spears were seen as a more honorable method of fishing than using nets. The reeds were used to make mats, canoes, and architectural structures, including homes and the large ceremonial structure, the mudhif. The mudhif was used for gatherings like weddings or funerals. The Marsh Arabs agricultural sector was divided. One group would breed, raise, and herd buffalo depending on the season, and the other group would grow wheat, rice, barley, and millet and also keep sheep or cattle. Further reading .

credit: Cornell, Lauryn

Water: 2 (2015-08-25)

Clay tablet describes the canal and irrigation system to the West of the Euphrates River (1684-1647 BC).

This tablet originated in Babylonia. It is the only known working map created by a canal irrigation engineer. The text reads, “Map of canals and irrigation systems to the west of the Euphrates, naming besides the Euphrates, the Nabium canal, Dadi canal, Ammama canal and Masahhirum, in the Niru district, with 7 captions giving lengths, widths and depths of the canals and volumes to be dredged, dated 26th day in the month of Abe in a year of king Ammi-Ditana of Babylon.”

The annual rainfall needed to sustain agriculture is about 200mm per year. The Mesopotamian region rarely gets that much rain because of its arid climate, so farmers turned to canal building to divert the water straight to their crops. Full-scale canal building did not occur until 2800 BC. Canals were so important; they began to be used for signs in writing. The sign for an agricultural field was a network of straight canals. The sign for settlement was two branches of a waterway connected in the middle by a group of canals. Canals were necessary to irrigate the crops including the most important crop, barley, but with irrigation, came salinization. Crops can only tolerate so much salt. Wheat can withstand ½% salt, barley 1%, and date palms 2%. Further reading.

CDLI entry: P252187

credit: Cornell, Lauryn

Water: 1 (2015-08-24)

Mesopotamia is known as the land between two rivers. Those rivers are the Tigris and Euphrates.

All civilizations rely on water and ancient Mesopotamian civilizations were no different. The majority of ancient settlements were located along the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers. The ancient Mesopotamians built canals from the rivers to aid in agriculture, worshiped the God of Water—Enki, and relied on the annual floods as described in the epic of Gilgamesh.

The faster flowing Tigris and slower moving Euphrates both originate from Southwestern Armenia, today known as Southeastern Turkey, and flow south through Iraq to meet and flow into the Persian Gulf. The yearly flooding of these rivers, although occasionally destructive to crops and the land, also brought along soil enriching sediment and created natural levees. This sediment made the surrounding land very fertile, and made a normally harsh desert region with little rainfall, a great agricultural center. In fact, this region is also known as the Fertile Crescent. Plants, animals, and people alike, benefit from these productive rivers. Oak, pistachio, and ash forests flourished in the upper region of the rivers. Reeds that grew along the marsh areas became important. They were used to make reed mats and architectural structures, such as the ceremonial buildings in southern Iraq called mudhifs. Wild pigs, birds, buffalos, and domesticated sheep, cattle, and goats enjoyed the plants and nutrients the rivers provided. Fish were good sources of fats for the ancient Mesopotamian civilization. People also used the rivers as a transportation system to move goods and heavy materials up and down to other cities. They created canals to support their crops, including barley and date palms. Further reading

credit: Cornell, Lauryn

Ancient Cavalry: 5 (2015-08-23)

Horses or asses are used in the "peace" panel from the Standard of Ur to bring tribute to the King of Ur.

The Standard of Ur found in the British Museum in London shows not only the war that the city of Ur won, but also the peace that followed after the battle. The men in this "peace panel" are defeated citizens because of their angled skirts, which the enemy army wore in the "war" side of the Standard of Ur. Conquered enemies or enemies are portrayed with angled skirts or as naked as seen in the "war" side of the Standard of Ur. The Victory Procession depicts the citizens of the defeated city lined up as they bring tribute to the King of Ur. The conquered use horses or asses both as transportation or possibly as tribute. This shows another use for these creatures in Ancient Mesopotamia and the many possibilities for them, as cavalry, transportation, tribute, and even as weapons against their rider's foes. The uses for horses, asses, and onagers are numerous. These images represent only a few of their uses in Ancient Mesopotamia and there are many more uses for them found in the images that have been found during this time period and in the texts that have been found and translated.

credit: Yesil, Sarah

Ancient Cavalry: 4 (2015-08-22)

Neo-Assyrian lion hunt with King Ashurbanipal riding on horseback.

This lion hunt is of the Assyrian King Ashurbanipal from the Neo-Assyrian Empire. This image is from a palace relief from Ninevah. It portrays King Ashurbanipal on a lion hunt as an archer riding a decorated horse, in armor for protection against the lion. Ashurbanipal was known for his horsemanship, hunting, chariotry, and for being a soldier, amongst other attributes. This king is known for doing many of the tasks in which a horse is involved, signifying that during Ashurbanipal’s reign, horses were important in the reputation of the king.The horse in this image is galloping on ahead despite the arrow that is drawn right next to its head. The strength of the horse is easily detectable in this relief, with its muscular legs carrying the king to his mission of hunting a lion. The horse is shown in a full gallop in this lion hunt.

credit: Yesil, Sarah

Ancient Cavalry: 3 (2015-08-21)

King’s war chariot pulled by horses in the triumphal ceremony from the Standard of Ur made in the Early Dynastic II period.

The king of Ur’s chariot is pulled by multiple horses as seen by the many legs and heads of the horses in this image. The horses are decorated with distinctive red leather in the triumphal celebration for the victory of Ur against their foes. The spears are no longer in the chariot that the horses are pulling, and there is not a charioteer steering the chariot because the battle is over. The horses are towering over the smallest man of the line of men in front of them. This line of men has the very large king at the head of it showing his importance through his height. The horses’ job in the defeat of the enemies of Ur is done for this particular battle and they go on to be portrayed in other various ways throughout the Standard of Ur found in the British Museum, London, most significantly in transporting the treasures from the enemy that is going to the King of Ur.

credit: Yesil, Sarah

Ancient Cavalry: 2 (2015-08-20)

King’s war chariot from the Standard of Ur made in the Early Dynastic II period, and is specifically dated to 2700 B.C.

The king of Ur is riding the horse-drawn chariot to battle against the enemies of Sumer. This is a very important aspect of the use of horses in Ancient Mesopotamia. Horses are portrayed quite often in the Standard of Ur in the use of the Ur army and not depicted as being used by the enemy. The Ur army has horses, and horses pulling war chariots and this distinguishes them from their enemy in the Standard of Ur found in the British Museum, London. The horses start at a walk in this depiction, at the beginning of the battle scene, and it slowly builds up to a full gallop with the horses leaving carnage of the enemies of Ur behind them. The horses are not only used for transportation of the war chariots but as a weapon against the enemy. The horses trample the enemy in succeeding images and the bodies are in a line behind these war chariots.

credit: Yesil, Sarah

Ancient Cavalry: 1 (2015-08-19)

Animals were very important to every part of culture in the early civilizations of the world. They were used for sustenance, farming, religion, hunting, and warring with other civilizations. Some of the most important of these animals were the horse, the onager, and the ass.

When the horse was domesticated is disputable; however it can be narrowed down to between 5,500 and 3,000 B.C. The horse was first used for meat before it was domesticated. It soon was used as a pack animal during the third millennium, and then for transportation by riding on horseback. The horse soon gained superiority and popularity over its cousin, the ass, and the onager. Both the ass and the onager were widely used in Ancient Mesopotamia before and after horse domestication. Horses were used to pull war chariots in the second millennium with the Assyrians. In 1,345 B.C. the world’s first manual on training horses is written by the Mitanni horse trainer Kikkuli and was found in Hattusa. In 1,000 B.C. the Assyrians created the first cavalry unit with two men on one horse, one man as a guide and the other man as an archer. Horses are portrayed with kings, warriors, and various gods. Horses are portrayed pulling the sun god Shamash or Shamash on horseback in Akkadian, Assyrian and Babylonian pantheon depictions. Silili is the goddess of horses in the Babylonian pantheon and is called the “divine mare” or the mother of all horses. Silili is also briefly mentioned in Tablet VI of the Epic of Gilgamesh. All of the artistic and narrative history of horses clearly demonstrates that they were very important to Ancient Mesopotamians. They are a constant in the depictions that have been found during this time frame and their uses continued to grow and evolve in Mesopotamia, just like the use and development of writing. Horses have a long history of domestication and are still used in today’s society, showing their long-lasting impact which began in Ancient Mesopotamia. Prior to the introduction of horses in these ancient civilizations, the ass and the onager were widely used for cavalry, farming, and hunting.

Pictured are images from the Neo-Assyrian period. The Neo-Assyrian period began around 1000 B.C. and ended in 609 B.C. The image on the left is a relief of a Neo-Assyrian war scene. It shows the casualties of war, both men and horses, lying dead in a river surrounded by their weapons and fish. The image on the right is a Neo-Assyrian relief depicting a cavalrymen leading his horse beside a stream. The relief is found in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. The relief is gypsum alabaster and is dated to between 704 to 681, coinciding with the reign of Sennacherib of Assyria.

credit: Yesil, Sarah

The Goddess Ishtar: 5 (2015-08-18)

This ancient Mesopotamian terracotta relief is a depiction of the goddess Ishtar clothed in royal garments, holding a weapon. This representation of Ishtar is in conjunction with the myth of her descent into the underworld and was created during the 2nd millennium.

This late Mesopotamian plaque of the goddess Ishtar, shows the deity as the Queen of the Night. Ishtar is clothed in royal attire and wears her well-known layered crown made of horns. Ishtar holds in one hand a weapon of some sort, a magic ankh or fire weapon, for her night journey to the underworld. The plaque is from the site of the city-state of Eshnunna and is in correlation to the myth of Ishtar’s journey to the underworld. Ishtar is clothed because of the role she plays within the ancient myth, she demands that each gate of the underworld be open for her entry and Ereshkigal, Queen of the Underworld, issues a decree that forces Ishtar to remove an article of clothing with each gate she opens. The original plaque is located in the Louvre Museum.

credit: Webb, Kathryn

The Goddess Ishtar: 4 (2015-08-17)

The gate dedicated to the goddess Ishtar, made of glazed brick, was the eighth gate that was created as an entrance into the inner city of Babylon. King Nebuchadnezzar II ordered it to be built on the northern side of the city and all that remains of the gate are partial fragments and a reconstruction of the original model.

The Ishtar Gate was created in blue lapis lazuli glazed brick and was composed of rows of differing reliefs of both dragons and aurochs that represented both the deities of Marduk and Adad. The roof and the doors that were a part of the gate were made of wood. As one entered the gate a depiction of the Processional Way was shown with painted creatures of lions, bulls, and dragons. There were also flowers of yellow and black bricks that were to represent the goddess herself. It was during the New Year festivities that depictions of gods were paraded around the Ishtar gate and through the main walkway. There is now a reconstruction of the Ishtar Gate as well as the Processional Way located at the Pergamon Museum in Berlin, Germany.

credit: Webb, Kathryn

The Goddess Ishtar: 3 (2015-08-16)

This Assyrian relief, made of Phoenician gold ivory, was said to have been nothing more than an image of a prostitute at a window. However, it is now thought to be a representation of either the minor goddess Kilili or the great goddess Ishtar.

Found at the Assyrian Palace of Nimrud, this beautiful ivory depiction shows the Mesopotamian goddess peering as if she were looking outside of a window. However, she is separated from the material aspect of the window. The top of her head is laden with a hat that may have been connected to that of the high priests during the Neo-Assyrian period. These Phoenician Ivories were most likely used for furniture décor and probably decorated the frames of a bed. While it is said that this ivory may have been a representation of the minor goddess Kilili, it is also said to be an illustration of the goddess Ishtar. The goddess Kilili and Ishtar were both characterized by wisdom and both goddesses are referenced in ancient text as wise deities that sit by windows. This ivory plaque is found at the Iraq Museum in Bagdad.

credit: Webb, Kathryn

The Goddess Ishtar: 2 (2015-08-15)

This relief depicting the ancient Mesopotamian goddess Ishtar is made of clay and is 19.5” in height with a width of 15”. The clay statue was made in Babylonia during 1800-1750 B.C.

The clay terracotta Burney Relief, depicting the Mesopotamian goddess Ishtar, shows the female deity in nude pose emphasizing her fertile and nourishing characteristics. She is also winged with bird talons that make up the form of her feet. Ishtar is associated with the heavens and the sky, which is why she is depicted with wings and talons. At the top of her image is a layered crown made of horns in which a disk sits at the top. In her hands, Ishtar holds the rod and ring symbols that represent her high rank as goddess. Her image is also flanked by creatures that relate to the sky as well, two owls. Ishtar was also associated with lions, hence the two that she stands upon in the relief. The original relief resides in the British Museum in London, England.

credit: Webb, Kathryn

The Goddess Ishtar: 1 (2015-08-14)

This statue of Ishtar, also known as the Mother of Mesopotamian deities, is made from bonded stone with a marble base. It stands at 11.5” high and shows the goddess’ main characteristics, nourishment and fertility.

The Sumerian goddess Ishtar, during ancient Mesopotamia times, was also known as the goddess Inanna. She is the goddess of nourishment and fertility as well as war, wisdom, love, and lust. Her aspects of a nourishing and fertile mother goddess are clearly identified within the Ur III Period statue. This statue of Ishtar demonstrates these characteristics in how she is posed with her hands cupping her breasts in an offering stance. Her wide hips also give credence to her fertility. Ishtar was also known as the Queen of Heaven, Mother of Fruitful Breasts, and Creator of People, and is one of the most important goddesses within the ancient Mesopotamian Pantheon. The original statue is now located in the Louvre Museum in Paris, France.

credit: Webb, Kathryn

Naram-Sin: Curse of Agade (2015-08-13)

This picture depicts a clay tablet documenting the Mesopotamian legend of the ‟Curse of Agade;” fragments in the Penn Museum, University of Pennsylvania, and the Oriental Institute Museum, Chicago.

The “Curse of Agade” is an ancient Mesopotamian literary composition dating back to the Ur III period. The text documented the invasion of the Gutians and subsequent fall of the Akkadian Empire ca. 2150 BC. under the reign of Naram-Sin’s successor, Šar-kali-šarrī. The “Curse of Agade” attributed the collapse of the empire to Naram-Sin’s self-declaration of divinity during his reign. Naram-Sin acted as the first Mesopotamian king to proclaim divine status for himself, as evidenced by his victory stele and rock relief. Up until this point, Mesopotamian kings served as the representative of the gods on Earth, rather than functioning as gods themselves. According to the legend, Naram-Sin’s claim to divinity angered the gods, and the Gutians were sent to destroy the Akkadian Empire as punishment. However, as Yale archaeologist Harvey Weiss has demonstrated, the westward migration of the Gutians was most likely the result of the aridification event in circa 2200 BC. This aridification event incited the reduction of both precipitation and the water supply. Agriculture suffered and the Gutians of the Zagros Mountains were forced to migrate westward towards the riverbanks of the Tigris and Euphrates in Mesopotamia. The Gutian attack upon the Akkadian Empire, and subsequent fall of the Sargonic Dynasty, followed in response. Although Naram-Sin’s claim upon divinity did not directly cause the fall of the Akkadian Empire, the ‟Curse of Agade” still functioned to convey the extent of the influence of religion on Mesopotamian society during the Old Akkadian Period.

CDLI Entry: P257216

credit: Jacobson, Jack

Naram-Sin: Adminstrative Policies (2015-08-12)

This picture displays an ancient treaty between Naram-Sin of Akkad and King Khita of Elam. This treaty is also one of the oldest documents discovered to be written in Elamite cuneiform.

Although the reign of Naram-Sin became known for its imperialistic campaigns, this Old Akkadian king also employed a variety of administrative policies in order to promote stability and prosperity throughout the Akkadian Empire. A treaty decreed between Naram-Sin of Akkad and Khita of Elam highlighted this notion. This treaty recognized the sovereignty of both the Akkadian Empire and the Kingdom of Elam, while also establishing a border and promoting peace between the two states. The diplomatic nature of Naram-Sin’s reign received emphasis as a result. The rule of Naram-Sin can also be characterized by the centralization of power. He developed a new system of taxation in which each region of the empire contributed part of its income to the Akkadian state. The federal Akkadian government received an increase in funds and was granted the opportunity to more effectively promote its authority throughout the empire as a result. Naram-Sin also furthered the centralization of power through appointing his daughters as the high priestesses of prominent cults throughout the Akkadian Empire. Naram-Sin utilized religion as a means to maintain authority and control throughout his empire during the Old Akkadian Period. The reign of Naram-Sin can not only be characterized by the extension of the empire, but also by the centralization of power within the state.

CDLI entry: P480691

credit: Jacobson, Jack

Naram-Sin: Rock Relief (2015-08-11)

This photograph captures the rock relief of Naram-Sin. The relief was inscribed upon the side of a cliff located within the Qara Dagh mountain range in modern day Iraq.

In a fashion similar to the victory stele, the rock relief of Naram-Sin also depicted the military prowess, as well as the authority of the Old Akkadian king. Naram-Sin was displayed standing over the corpses of his fallen enemies, most likely the Lullubi people, while wielding a battle-axe and bow. The rock relief of Naram-Sin conveyed one of his many military triumphs. The imperialistic policies and expansionist campaigns of Naram-Sin became highlighted and Naram-Sin’s claim upon the title “King of the Four Quarters” received support as a result. Furthermore, the rock relief depicted Naram-Sin as much larger than the rest of the people in the scene. This contrast in size emphasizes the authority, while also suggesting the divinity of Naram-Sin. Both the rock relief and victory stele of Naram-Sin portrayed the power of the conqueror and self-proclaimed god-king.

credit: Jacobson, Jack

Naram-Sin: Victory Stele (2015-08-10)

This image displays the victory stele of Naram-Sin located in the Louvre Museum. Limestone served as the base material for the stele, which stands at six foot and seven inches tall. The stele was discovered in Susa.

The victory stele of Naram-Sin depicted his military triumph over Satuni and the Lullubi people of the Zagros Mountains during the Old Akkadian Period. The stele commemorated his military victory by displaying Naram-Sin holding an axe and standing over the dead bodies of his fallen enemies. The imperial policies and expansionist campaigns of Naram-Sin became highlighted in response. In addition, Naram-Sin was also depicted as standing above the rest of his fellow Akkadians, conveying his authority as the king. The legitimacy of his kingship received further emphasis as result. The victory stele of Naram-Sin also conveyed the divinity of the self-proclaimed god-king. The battle helmet and horns worn by Naram-Sin depicted his divine status as he was shown defeating his enemies and ascending to the heavens, which were represented by the stars located at the top of the stele.

CDLI Entry: P215544

credit: Jacobson, Jack

Naram-Sin: Lineage (2015-08-09)

This image depicts the Well-Blundell version of the Sumerian King List located in the Ashmolean Museum. The list was constructed on a rectangular clay prism and features writing in Sumerian cuneiform.

The Sumerian King List documented the chronology of rulers throughout ancient Mesopotamian and Syrian history and legitimized the authority of their reign. Although the latest version of this chronology was constructed during the Isin-Larsa period, the Sumerian King List also documented the reigns of rulers from other time periods, such as Naram-Sin of the Old Akkadian period. Naram-Sin was the grandson of the legendary Sargon of Akkad, the founding father of the Akkadian Empire. He ruled from ca. 2261 B.C. to 2224 B.C. (Middle Chronology) and served as both the successor of Maništusu, as well as the fourth emperor of the Sargonic dynasty. The Sumerian King List also recorded year names throughout much of Naram-Sin’s reign. These year names referenced the achievements of the king during most years of his rule, most notably including military victories and construction projects. Naram-Sin’s reign ended following his death in ca. 2224 B.C. and his son, Šar-kali-šarri, succeeded his rule. However, the Akkadian Empire fell to the invading Gutians during the reign of Šar-kali-šarri, and the Sargonic dynasty was brought to an end.

CDLI entry: P384786

credit: Jacobson, Jack

Animals in Ancient Near East: 5 (2015-08-08)

Administrative tablet with cylinder seal impression of a male figure, hunting dogs, and boars; Jemdet Nasr period (3100–2900 BC).

The first Mesopotamian civilizations were established the Uruk period during the 4th millennium BC This was a time when rulers were being elevated and new societies formed. Certain metals were necessary for crown creation. Thus, the production of ceramic vessels and textiles began, which in turn increased the need to calculate and evaluate numerical data for record-keeping. Calculating and storing numerical information was a typical task during this time. Signs were marked with a reed stylus on a clay tablet. The obverse and reverse surfaces of the tablet portrayed here, now found in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, NYC, documents the process and economic calculations during grain distribution. The image carved on the seal rolled on this tablet reveals the Uruk lord on a boar hunt in a swampy area, assisted by two hunting dogs.

CDLI entry: P005393

credit: Melkomian, Cynthia

Animals in the Ancient Near East: 4 (2015-08-07)

Hunting scene; Mesopotamia, late Akkadian period (2250–2150 BC).

Although stones that were engraved were used as stamps for impressions, the invention of carved cylinders became popular during the 4th millennium BC. These cylinders allowed the formation of intricate seal designs since they were capable of gliding over the clay. They were employed both as amulets and as proof of ownership or personal association. Seals were formed in two ways: they were either imprinted on clay originally used to close jars and doors, or they were rolled over engraved clay tablets that showed a record of transactions. Cylinder seals are crucial in understanding the ancient Near East as each period has its own distinct form and iconography which shows the shift throughout the periods. This seal portrays a man hunting an ibex in the mountainous woods. It is an early effort to describe the landscapes of Mesopotamia through art. During this period, the many iconographic carvings representing Mesopotamian animals and nature extended to incorporate a mixture of new mythological and fictional subjects.

credit: Melkomian, Cynthia

Animals in the Ancient Near East: 3 (2015-08-06)

Foundation peg in the shape of the forepart of a lion; Tell Mozan (ancient Urkish), bronze.

Following the collapse of the Akkadian empire and a short time of decentralized control, the city of Ur dominated a huge portion of Mesopotamia. The Ur Dynasty ruled for almost one century (2100–2000 BC). During the Ur period, many lesser rulers gained their autonomy at the edge of the empire. The rulers who maintained their independence include northern kingdoms such as Urkish and Nawar. This bronze model peg is designed like a growling lion derived from the city of Urkish. The cult rituals and practices in northern Mesopotamia are a huge contributor of this artifact. Lions were always depicted in Mesopotamian art since it represented the fierce power of nature. Even more, it portrayed the king’s responsibility and duty to overcome the power of nature that the lion represented. Fierce animals were portrayed as those who governed the natural world around them with their ferocious qualities. The wild and authoritative quality of these animals was a vital aspect of the iconography of kingship.

credit: Melkomian, Cynthia

Animals In the Ancient Near East: 2 (2015-08-05)

Ram’s head from the Late Uruk period; Mesopotamia, ceramic, paint.

The exceptional form of this ram’s head portrays an artifact typical of the Late Uruk period (3300–3100 BC). As a rounded model, the back of the ram’s head curves inwards in a depressed manner. Two horns appear from the center of the forehead and loop behind the small, extruding ears. The round eyes of the ram are guarded by an elevated ridge for additional protection. A few parts of the head are colored in black on the left side, signaling that the artifact was initially painted. There is no concise location observed for the ram’s head, but many similar models made of baked clay have been discovered. Although it is not clear exactly where this baked clay head comes from, many stone and terracotta artifacts were found in Uruk in southern Mesopotamia. The model of sheep was prevalent in this city and in buildings connected to the goddess Inanna of Uruk. The indication is that since they were found in sacred places, the animal sculptures may have been a part of their religious practice.

credit: Melkomian, Cynthia

Animals in the Ancient Near East: 1 (2015-08-04)

A bowl carved with a herd of bulls during the Late Uruk/Jemdet Nasr period. Mesopotamia.

This is the remnant of a bowl carved with a herd of bulls walking by to the right, but only one animal endures. The artifact is from the Late Uruk and Jemdet Nasr periods (3300–2900 BC), as observed in the contour of the bull’s body. The head is three-dimensional while its body is in low relief. Such remarkable figures were produced as the 4th millennium BC concluded, and when cities began developing in Mesopotamia. Artifacts of this type are commonly discovered in royal structures or religious edifices. It signals that these bowls and their distinct carving played a significant role in such settings. Following cylinder seals, they are the most significant reference for pictorial information during the 4th millennium. The images often depict the natural world of domesticated animals among the people or the intimidation of hostile animals like the tiger.

credit: Melkomian, Cynthia

Mesopotamian medical practices: 5 (2015-08-03)

Cylinder seal of healing ritual in reed hut (1st millennium BC)

In addition to appealing to various gods and goddesses for additional healing, Ancient Mesopotamians also turned to other potentially healing sources such as rivers. These people believed that rivers, most prominently the Tigris and the Euphrates, had healing powers and could remove evil spirits that were causing people sickness. Because of this, it was common practice to set up reed huts near a river to house people who were ill. A similar scene is depicted in this cylinder seal, in which a sick person is inside a reed hut. There are also other spiritual images in this cylinder seal, such as the dog that is on the roof, similar to the dog depicted in the stamp seal of the goddess Gula. In summary, it is clear that the Mesopotamians placed importance on several different forms of healing. They clearly were developing surgical and medicinal treatments, yet they also evoked gods and goddesses in addition to geographical features such as rivers. The sealing shown here was discussed in an article by N. Wasserman.

credit: Morris, William R.

Mesopotamian medical practices: 4 (2015-08-02)

Stamp seal of goddess Gula (700-600 BC)

In addition to scientific and medicinal healings within ancient Mesopotamia, the people also relied on supernatural healing and protection from gods and goddesses. This image shows a neo-Assyrian seal depicting the goddess of healing, Gula. Often, Gula is also depicted with her dog, as can be seen in the image. Most of the references to the goddess Gula can be found in medical incantations, and she is the mother of three other healing deities: Ninazu, Damu, and Gunurra. Prominent centers of worship to Gula have been excavated in Isin and Nippur, and much of the construction of these temples appears to have taken place during the Kassite period. Texts do not depict these temples as places where people physically brought the sick and injured, but rather a place where people would go to ask for healing or to give thanks.

credit: Morris, William R.

Mesopotamian medical practices: 3 (2015-08-01)

Mesopotamian medical instruments (1st millennium BC)

As is clear in Hammurapi’s Code regarding surgical procedures, these medical procedures required a great deal of precision from the physicians. If something went wrong during a surgery, a physician would either be fined or even potentially lose his life depending on the seriousness of the error. Because of this, skillfully crafted bronze knives, metal tubes, and spatulas began to emerge. The tools were vital to preform some of the serious operations that were required, such as the removal of internal organs, the removal of tumors, and other types of medical procedures. These tools were probably also used during childbirth and greatly facilitated a physician’s ability to properly deliver a baby. Similar tools have also been found throughout Ancient Egypt, highlighting some of the similar practices that were occurring in both regions during the first millennium BC. The instruments shown here were discussed in an article by N. Wasserman.

credit: Morris, William R.

Mesopotamian medical practices: 2 (2015-07-31)

Code of Hammurapi [Code 215-225] (1750BC)

Another influential text regarding the practice of medicine can be found in the Law Code of the Babylonian King Hammurapi. While Hammurapi discusses numerous aspects of society in his law code such as proper government functions, economic practices, and forms of punishment, he also discusses the treatment of ailments and sicknesses. Additionally, he discusses surgical procedures, as well as the punishment that a physician would receive if his patient died in the process of the surgery. However, Hammurapi also explains the reward system for the good work of a physician. For example, in Code 215, he writes “If a physician make a large incision with an operating knife and cure it, or he open a tumor (over the eye) with an operating knife, and he saves the eye, he shall receive ten shekels in money.”

Hammurapi also discusses medical procedures that were to be preformed on animals. For example, in Code 224, he writes, “If a veterinary surgeon perform a serious operation on an ass or an ox, and cure it, the owner shall pay the surgeon one-sixth of a shekel as a fee.”

CDLI reference: P386353

credit: Morris, William R.

Mesopotamian medical practices: 1 (2015-07-30)

Sumerian medical tablet (2400BC)

One of the earliest sources of medical practices within ancient Mesopotamia can be found in this Sumerian medical tablet from the ancient city of Nippur in modern day Iraq. Although writing existed since the fourth millennium BC, it is one of the oldest texts related to medicine. Relatively few cuneiform tablets have been recovered regarding medicine. This tablet lists fifteen different medical prescriptions, falling into three groups: potion, poultice, and complex groups. Within this tablet, it is clear that the physician utilized certain minerals such as river bitumen, sodium chloride, and vegetable oil. Some examples of what is written on this tablet are as follows: Prescription 4: Pulverize the branches of the thorn plant and seeds of the duashbur; pour diluted beer over it, rub with vegetable oil and fasten the paste over the sick spot as a poultice. Also, Prescription 9: Pour strong beer over the resin of the plant; heat over a fire; put this liquid in river bitumen (oil), and let the sick person drink.

Clearly, even in the third millennium BC, the ancient Sumerians were developing ways to care for their sick and wounded, eventually standardizing such remedies as those found on this tablet.

CDLI reference: P269190

credit: Morris, William R.

Assyrian Reliefs: 5 (2015-07-29)

This panel in the British Museum illustrates an Assyrian victory in a military conflict against a Babylonian town. Found in Nimrud (Kalhu), northern Iraq, dating to roughly 730 BC.

Essentially a siege engine on wheels, the Assyrian battering rams were considered to be the pinnacle of military technology of the age, and were used by archers as a dais from which to rain arrows, as well as a physical battering ram. Most likely, these were moved by men due to the potential danger of using animals in the event of a panic. In the panel, three Assyrian officials are featured, with two of them presumably being eunuchs. The figure with a sword is seemingly dictating to the other two, who are recording information regarding the conflict on both a clay tablet, as well as a scroll, respectively. These records were later made available to the palace sculptors as notes for future projects.

credit: Ghoria, Faizan H.

Assyrian Reliefs: 4 (2015-07-28)

This panel from the Central Palace of Tiglath-Pileser III highlights what would be considered a triumphant Assyrian military offensive against opposing Arab forces. Found in Nimrud (Kalhu), northern Iraq - roughly 730 BC.

This image is another work made of alabaster, and this particular one adorned the walls of the Central Palace of King Tiglath-Pileser III. Similar in subject matter to image #2, this one portrays the marching of spoils of war in the form of both prisoners and goods. In it, a herd of one-humped camels is lead by a woman. During the rule of Tiglath-Pileser III, conquered territories were superintended by augmenting native rule with direct Assyrian supervision, essentially making them into provincial states. Provinces such as these were oftentimes Arab in origin.

credit: Ghoria, Faizan H.

Assyrian Reliefs: 3 (2015-07-27)

This alabaster relief depicts Assurbanipal’s conquest over the forces of nature, proving his kingly virtue and ability. Found in Nineveh, northern Iraq, roughly around 645 BC.

One of a series of wall reliefs, this particular one depicts the conclusion of what has been discerned a royal hunt, culminating in the death of a large lion. It is notable for the realism with which the scene is illustrated, especially considering the time period of its origin. The lion in this image has been struck with one of the king’s arrows as a river of blood runs from its mouth, with veins visible, possibly signifying the distress of the animal. Lions were regarded as hostile to urban civilization at the time, and this relief is representative of a long-standing tradition of royal lion hunts. This connection between royalty and lions was transported from the Ancient Near East to western Europe by way of the Crusades, where lions would soon come to adorn royal coats of arms.

credit: Ghoria, Faizan H.

Assyrian Reliefs: 2 (2015-07-26)

Assyrian battle scenes were often represented visually through the use of reliefs as well, such as this one made from alabaster. Typically, they were used as an appraisal process for both the prisoners and goods captured by the Assyrian forces, often including explicit numbers for their spoils, indicating the importance of scribes militarily.

In this relief from the Northwest Palace of Assurnasirpal II (Room B, panel 17 bottom), enemy prisoners are brought to King Assurnasirpal by his officials and soldiers. In particular, one of the captured prisoners is differentiated from his other contemporaries with a wide headband. Also pictured in this relief are the captured goods from this particular conflict, yet they are shown to be floating alongside the prisoners, merely as artistic technique or perhaps plainly due to the choice made by the sculptors to not use exact perspective. Included in the plunder is cauldrons, as well as what appears to be ivory tusks. The gains from pillage such as the ones pictured in this relief would be stored in treasure rooms at the palace at Nimrud.

CDLI entry: P426555

credit: Ghoria, Faizan H.

Assyrian Reliefs: 1 (2015-07-25)

This is a portion of a stone sill, taken from a doorway in the North Palace of Ashurbanipal found in Nineveh, Northern Iraq dating from roughly 630 BC. Stone reliefs such as these were found frequently throughout the region on various panels and stelae, and were first used in a large-scale by Assurnasirpal II at Nimrud (Kalhu).

Khorsabad and Nineveh, which later became capital cities, continued this tradition of stone reliefs. Copper tools and iron were requisite in order to achieve the level of detail required, and at times the reliefs were protected from the elements with the use of varnish. This stone door-sill is possibly meant to imitate a carpet, and with its intricate designs is modeling itself on actual floor coverings. Traditionally, connections have been made between the Near East and its artisanal craftsmanship for the manufacturing of carpet, despite there being sparse evidence for the existence of carpets prior to the ninth century BC. Despite the lack of evidence, the door-sill’s rectangular shape and layout, including the borders, closely mirrors the details of “pile-carpets” that were found later. Additionally, designs such as these conceivably could have been used in a parallel fashion to those used on both throne covers and royal garments; that is to say that they were used in a symbolic fashion to both illustrate the king’s power, but also to protect him.

credit: Ghoria, Faizan H.

The Royal Graves of Ur: 5 (2015-07-24)

The Standard of Ur was found lying above the right shoulder of a man in one of the largest tombs in the cemetery. Woolley initially thought it was carried upon a pole, hence its name. However, it is now believed that the “Standard” was actually the sound box of a musical instrument.

It is composed of two main panels, made of shell, red limestone, and lapis lazuli. One panel is an illustration of a war scene. The scene is one of victory, showing a larger-than-life ruler standing victorious on a battlefield. Around him, soldiers with war chariots parade naked prisoners. The other panel portrays a scene of peace. The scene includes lyre players and banqueting. The ruler is once again portrayed as larger in size than the other people in the scene. A Mesopotamian ruler was often seen as an intermediary between the gods and the people, perhaps explaining why he is portrayed in these scenes as larger than the common people. It appears that the success and prosperity of a Mesopotamian society depended on the king’s relationship with the gods. The Standard is housed at the British Museum.

credit: Eirenberg, Rachel

The Royal Graves of Ur: 4 (2015-07-23)

One of the large tombs discovered in the Royal Cemetery belonged to a woman called Pu-abi. A number of items were found in her grave, including ornate jewelry and the cylinder seal pictured.

The cylinder seal depicts a banquet scene, indicating it belonged to a female. Had it belonged to a male, it would have depicted a combat scene to convey masculinity. The cuneiform inscribed on the seal reads “Queen/Lady Pu-abi”. This indicates that Pu-abi was of high social status, and it is thought she may have been a priestess. Priestesses would have been given special funeral rites, considering their close relationship with the gods. The seal itself is made of lapis lazuli. The exotic quality of this material, and its probable high price, is further evidence of Pu-abi’s high status. The seal is housed at the British Museum.

CDLI entry: P247683

credit: Eirenberg, Rachel

The Royal Graves of Ur: 3 (2015-07-22)

One of the objects found in the graves was a lyre with a bearded bull’s head. The bearded bull represents the god Shamash, who was thought of as a divine judge with connections to the underworld.

The lyre is constructed of rich materials such as gold and lapis lazuli. Lapis lazuli was highly valued for its bright color and was considered a luxury item. To fill a grave with items such as this lyre indicates a great concern with the world after death. Indeed, the lyre was illustrated with images involving kings’ power over nature, as well as funerary rites and the underworld. Clearly, as shown by the symbolism and ornate construction of the lyre, death and the afterlife were considered of great import in Mesopotamian society. Like the Egyptians, a focus on the afterlife resulted in elaborate funeral rituals. The lyre is housed at the British Museum.

credit: Eirinberg, Rachel

The Royal Graves of Ur: 2 (2015-07-21)

Many sacrificial victims were found inside the Royal cemetery. The presence of such victims is indicative of elaborate funeral customs. One type of sacrificial item found in the Ur tombs was crushed skulls, as pictured.

The Penn Museum has done extensive research on the skulls, and has determined that they belonged to women and soldiers. They are pictured with gold jewelry and helmets as adornments. Woolley initially thought that these sacrificial victims were sacrificed voluntarily. However, Penn Museum researchers have concluded through CT scanning that the owners of the skulls met a violent end. The skulls appeared to have been pierced by a spiked club, causing a rather gruesome death by blunt force. Further examination of the skulls has determined that the bodies were left to decompose for a time; this is indicative of long funeral ceremonies that would have taken place. Clearly, due to the number of human sacrifices found in the pits, as well as elaborate pieces such as the crushed skulls, funerals were of major cultural importance.

credit: Eirinberg, Rachel

The Royal Graves of Ur: 1 (2015-07-20)

The Royal Graves of Ur, pictured, were first excavated by Leonard Woolley in the 1920s. The cemetery was located close to the temple complexes at the center of the city. The area was first used as a rubbish heap, but over time, people began to bury their dead there.

The cemetery was in use from approximately 2600 to 2000 BC. During this period, hundreds of bodies were buried in pits serving as graves. In addition to the pits, a number of complex tombs were built to house people of higher status. These tombs were constructed of brick and stone and had multiple chambers. Some bodies, presumably belonging to more important individuals, were surrounded by numerous sacrificial victims. The presence of human sacrifices suggest that the tombs belonged to either kings, queens, or priestesses. It is assumed that there were elaborate burial ceremonies held for the dead, considering the number of sacrifices and ornate objects present in the tombs. The British Museum and the Penn Museum are collaborating on a project to make their shared Ur excavation finds available in digital form.

credit: Eirinberg, Rachel

UCLA student contributions: 1 (2015-07-19)

“The term paper will be in the form of five (5) separate file packages, each to consist of one image and one text file (using text editor or writing txt file in Word etc., UTF-8 okay, and note that the text file accepts html tags), compatible with pages in the iPad app cdli tablet; submissions are due by May 18 (it is highly advisable that the instructor views your submissions in advance of the deadline), 25%.”

The rest of cdli tablet’s summer, and the fall will be spent with a series of submissions prepared by students in R. Englund’s undergraduate upper division lecture course “M 104: History of Ancient Mesopotamia and Syria,” held in the spring quarter of 2015 at UCLA. In lieu of a traditional term paper, students prepared image and text files describing some topic associated with the class material, and formatted and uploaded these files to our editor pages for the cdli tablet feed. The results of this experiment follow.

credit: Englund, Robert K.

Whats in the box?: 5 (2015-07-18)

This is a typical example of a “pisan-dub-ba” from the Ur III period (2100-2000 BC). When compared to its ED IIIb and Old Akkadian predecessors, we note a number of developments in the form.

Basket labels of the Ur III period show a number of developments that hint at a shift in how they were attached, if at all, to baskets containing groups of administrative texts. This newer form shows two string-holes on its upper edge, suggesting that it may have been formed around a knot instead of having a rope pass completely through its vertical axis. Note the absence of the woven impression on the reverse of the tag, suggesting that labels of this period were no longer pressed onto their baskets. In fact, basing ourselves on the archaeological context of tags and administrative tablets, we are not entirely certain that they hung from their respective baskets and associated texts at all, but this seems the most logical reconstruction of ancient bookkeeping records.

CDLI entry: P330514

credit: Heinle, Michael


Whats in the box?: 4 (2015-07-17)

This "pisan-dub" tag comes from the Old Akkadian period. Originating from the ancient city of Adab, it is currently housed at the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago. Tags of this type are rare in the Old Akkadian period, furthermore, the majority are in very poor condition.

Despite their rarity and issues of preservation, the Old Akkadian "pisan-dub" tags represent an evolution in form while preserving the function of the preceding period. The spherical shape of the ED IIIb has given way to a rectangular or "tablet" shape, consistent with "pisan-dub-ba" tags of the Ur III period. Other Old Akkadian examples indicate that the method by which the tags were attached to their baskets had also changed. This is hinted at by the disappearance of the woven patterns and a change in the way that the string was incorporated within the tag.

CDLI entry: P217567

credit: Heinle, Michael


What’s in the box?: 3 (2015-07-16)

The term “pisan-dub-ba” (“basket of tablets”) has come to designate administrative tags that, as the moniker states, identified accounting texts gathered within reed or wooden baskets. This exemplar comes from the Early Dynastic IIIb period (2500-2340 BC).

Tags of this type originate in the Early Dynastic IIIb period and continue to be used through the end of the Ur III period. Basket labels of this period may be identified by their initial text line (pisan-dub), single string-hole running through the vertical axis, and the impression of a reed matting pattern on the tag’s reverse. Tags were formed by placing clay around a piece of rope attached to the lid of the basket. The clay was then pressed onto the lid, shaped into a dome, and inscribed.

This particular basket label identifies the contents of its basket as the regular offerings of various officials, in the form of emmer flour, beer, and bread, during the festival of the goddess Baba. Furthermore, it identifies the temple household of Baba as the administrative unit to which the accounts belong. Finally, the tag is dated to the first year of the Lagash ruler Lugalanda.

CDLI entry: P020202

credit: Heinle, Michael


What’s in the box?: 2 (2015-07-15)

An administrative tag from the Uruk IV period (ca. 3350-3200BC). This tag was excavated at the southern Mesopotamian site Uruk (modern Warka), and now resides in the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin, Germany.

The tag is presented as a possible precursor to the well known tablet cataloging system best exemplified by the later “pisan-dub-ba” tags. In form, this tag is quite similar to the basket tags of the later Ur III period. It shares the well-formed, rectangular shape of later tags. The tablet would have been formed around a piece of twine and hung, presumably from a shelf of basket. The placement of the holes (here, on the bottom edge) and the number of holes (here, just one) differs from the standard of the later tradition. The interpretation and order of reading of the three signs present on the tag are as yet unclear. Pictographically, the sign GIR3 represents the head of a bovine, the sign SANGA, a title designating a temple administrator, is thought to represent a counting board, and the sign DUB, a reading designating a clay tablet in later times, appears to be a basket. Let us then attempt a translation of this text dating to ca. 3300 BC: “Basket of accountant Bull.”

CDLI entry: P002207

credit: Heinle, Michael


What’s in the box?: 1 (2015-07-14)

The following series presents a short overview of cuneiform documents, often in the form of tags, that were developed by ancient scribes in order to keep track of other cuneiform documents.

How did ancient scribes keep track of the often overwhelming number of administrative documents created by a large and very complex bureaucracy? How did scribal schoolmasters and temple personnel take inventory of the literary and hymnal compositions stored in their archives? The simple answer is they created labels and catalogues. The central image, a “pisan-dub-ba” or basket tag from the Ur III period, would have hung from a basket containing a number of administrative receipts that were grouped based upon varying criteria. Text type, “owner,” and accounting period of the receipts would be noted on the tag, allowing easy identification of the contents when a later review or collation of the account was to be performed. The image on the right is an earlier version of the “pisan-dub-ba,” here originating in the Early Dynastic IIIb period. While it is nearly identical in content, its form may be seen to be quite different. The image on the left is a literary catalog of the Old Babylonian period. Though its archival function is similar to the two administrative texts pictured here, its method of storage and its original archival environment are yet unclear.

CDLI entries: P105394, P222044, P346208

credit: Heinle, Michael


Mace heads: 10 (2015-07-13)

A dedicatory stone mace head dated to the Lagash II period (ca. 2200-2100 BC) during the reign of the governor Lugalirida. This mace head is dedicated to the god Šulšaga by Ḫala-Baba, on behalf of her husband, the governor.

Notwithstanding any difference from the previous entries, this mace head presents the standard structure of “a ru” dedicatory inscriptions first seen in the ED IIIb period. First, it begins with the invocation of a specific deity or deities for which the object is dedicated. Immediately following, the person performing the dedication is named, occasionally indicated by the ergative marker, e. Next, the formula includes single or multiple individuals who receive the good will of the deity on behalf of the dedicator. This is usually indicated by the nominal phrase nam-ti-la-ni, meaning “his/her life,” and the terminative post-position marker, še3, meaning in a non-dimensional sense "to." Finally, the inscription concludes with the verbal phrase a ru, meaning "to dedicate," which at times may or may not include some of the common grammatical prefixes before the verbal root ru.

CDLI entry: P222297

credit: Guerra, Dylan M.

Mace heads: 9 (2015-07-12)

A stone mace head from Nimrud, dated to the neo-Assyrian period (911-612 BC) from the reign of Assurnasirpal II.

Among the many temples that Assurnasirpal II built at Nimrud, the one mentioned on this mace head is Kidmuru, a temple devoted to Ishtar, the queen and great mistress (Akkadian bēlet rabīti). Assurnasirpal II dedicated this mace head to Ishtar for the longevity of his life and the well-being of his people and land. In contrast to dedicatory formulae written in the Early Dynastic III and Old Akkadian periods, the reconstruction of this inscription replaces the standard verbal phrase a mu-ru with ba, rendered as aqīš in Akkadian, meaning “I gave."

CDLI entry: P464619

credit: Guerra, Dylan M.

Mace heads: 8 (2015-07-11)

A stone mace head from Old Akkadian (2340-2200 BC) Kish dedicated to Ea.

As mentioned in the previous entry, Semitic syncretism not only occurred on a theological level, but also changed the written language and the way in which texts were recited. In this period, tablets were written in either Akkadian and Sumerian, or both. If written mostly in Akkadian, this meant that divine names, in addition to logographic readings of signs, would have been spoken in their Akkadian renderings rather than their Sumerian counterparts. In this mace head’s text, however, the verbal phrase a mu-ru, placed at the end of the inscription, may have been spoken in a sort of liturgical Sumerian. Akkadian personal names, such as Iṣlum and Ilī-šāliq in the inscription, also became more prominent in the written record, especially tablets deriving from northern Mesopotamian sites such as Kish.

CDLI entry: P212432

credit: Guerra, Dylan M.

Mace heads: 7 (2015-07-10)

A marble mace head from Sippar dated to the reign of Manishtusu of the Old Akkadian period (2340-2200 BC).

Manishtusu is the third king of the Old Akkadian period, well known for his diorite obelisk found at Susa. The inscription on this mace head describes Manishtusu as the dedicator to the god Aya, who is equivalent to the Sumerian god Sherida, wife of the sun god Utu (Akkadian Shamash). The inclusion of the Semitic goddess in dedicatory formulae attests to the religious syncretism of the Sumerian and Akkadian pantheon that occurred during this period. As a solar deity, she was worshipped alongside Shamash in the E-babbar (“White House”) temples of Sippar and Larsa (see the Oracc entry in their treatment of ancient Mesopotamian gods and goddesses for more information).

CDLI entry: P216553

credit: Guerra, Dylan M.

Mace heads: 6 (2015-07-09)

An Old Akkadian (2340-2200 BC) mace head from Ur with a dedicatory inscription; said to be made of aragonite.

This damaged mace head's inscription has been partially reconstructed from an Old Babylonian copy of Sargon’s royal inscription containing his epithet. Therefore, despite the lack of preservation, the title, “conqueror of Uruk and Ur,” can be attributed to Sargon as the dedicator. Most conspicuously, the use of the Akkadian conjunction u3, suggests that this mace head is from the Old Akkadian period when certain Semitic influences became more prominent in the writing system. Sargon’s title emphasizes his decisive military expedition against Lugalzagesi in his capital, Uruk. His proclamation as conqueror of the southernmost Mesopotamian city-states, therefore, epitomizes his take-over of Sumer from the former ruler.

CDLI entry: P217324

credit: Guerra, Dylan M.

Mace heads: 5 (2015-07-08)

A stone mace head from the Early Babylonian period (2000-1800 BC), after the collapse of the Ur III dynasty in southern Mesopotamia.

This mace head is possibly from Larsa, a city that shared political relations with Isin and competed for territory before the consolidation of power in Mesopotamia by Hammurapi in Babylon. It is dedicated to the Lord of the Netherworld, Nergal, on behalf of Abi-sare, the Amorite king, and Arad-Utu, the mace head’s engraver. According to the inscription, Abi-sare ruled as “King of Ur and Larsa,” a title preserved from the previous king, Gungunum. Interestingly, Ur is the first city named, despite the king being enthroned in Larsa, suggesting that Ur’s political status from the Ur III period still maintained its significance as the center of southern Mesopotamia.

CDLI entry: P431605

credit: Guerra, Dylan M.

Mace heads: 4 (2015-07-07)

A stone mace head from the Old Akkadian period (2340-2200 BC), during the reign of Naram-Sin, king of Akkad.

This fragmented mace head only preserves part of the original inscription; however, it can be reconstructed based on other mace heads that preserve the text. It is dedicated to the god Ilaba and proclaims Naram-Sin as king, and his servant, Karshum, as governor of Niqqum. Naram-Sin’s name is preceded by the divine determinative “dingir” normally reserved for the names of deities. This self-deification followed numerous successful military campaigns that expanded the Akkadian Empire to its greatest size. He conquered Amarnum to the far northwest, Ebla to the west, and Elam to the east, taking the title “king of the four quarters of the world.” His military success and deification are further exemplified in his famous Victory Stele, which portrays his aggressive campaigns against the Lullubi in the mountains to the northeast.

Considering the vast extent of his empire, Naram-Sin needed to facilitate control over his conquered territories. He did this by installing ensis (governors) in conquered cities. Unlike the ensis of the Early Dynastic IIIb period, these officials were subservient to the king in Agade. Their main roles related to administrative activities, producing frequent reports to Naram-Sin. In this case, the inscription names Karshum as an ensi who controls the messengers in Niqqum, a city presumed to be in northern Mesopotamia. After Naram-Sin’s death, subsequent kings were unable to maintain control over conquered areas and failed to neutralize Gutian attacks, and the Akkadian Empire fell into disarray.

CDLI entry: P216600

credit: Guerra, Dylan M.

Mace heads: 3 (2015-07-06)

A calcite mace head found in the Ur excavations and dated to the Old Akkadian period (2340-2200 BC), during the reign of Rimush.

This mace head is dedicated to the moon god, Sîn, and proclaims Rimush “King of Kish.” This title was once held by Mebaragesi and Mesilim in the Early Dynastic period, and was later revived by Sargon to display his rightful rule over the southern Mesopotamian city-states. Rimush inherited this title, including the expanse of the Akkadian Empire from his successful father, therefore making him the second king to rule. However, the areas that Sargon had conquered regained their autonomy upon Rimush’s ascension to the throne. Within the nine years of his reign, he reconquered southern Mesopotamia and Elam. The inscription suggests that the stone employed in the creation of this mace head derived from the booty extracted from Elam and Parahshum (modern Fars).

CDLI entry: P217325

credit: Guerra, Dylan M.

Mace heads: 2 (2015-07-05)

A stone mace head from the ED IIIb period (ca. 2500-2350 BC,) dated to the reign of Lugalzagesi.

This mace head’s inscription describes Enlil, chief executive of the Sumerian pantheon and “king of all lands,” bestowing earthly rule to Lugalzegesi, king of the third dynasty of Uruk. Lugalzegesi was governor of Umma province; however, he rose to power when he overthrew the king of Kish, Ur-Zababa, and subsequently conquered the major Sumerian city-states of southern Mesopotamia. According to the Sumerian King List, he ruled for 25 years before Sargon usurped the throne, thus beginning the Dynasty of Akkad.

CDLI entry: P263413

credit: Guerra, Dylan M.

Mace heads: 1 (2015-07-04)

An Early Dynastic IIIb (ca. 2500-2340 BC) mace head with a dedication to a god on behalf of a governor of Lagash.

This stone mace head, possibly from Girsu, is decorated with a lion-headed eagle known as the Imdugud or Anzu bird, shown clenching a pair of lions in its talons. Situated at the top of the mace head is an inscription by a high official dedicating it—the mace head—to Ningirsu, the chief god of the Lagash province and its capital Girsu, on behalf of Enannatum, the governor of Lagash.

As sukkal, Bara-ki-sumum was an official of the royal court, closely involved in economic and administrative affairs. He served under the governor Enannatum, who held great political and military jurisdiction during the ED IIIb period. Enannatum's political and military successes are mentioned on a series of clay cones dated to the period of Enmetena—the son of Enannatum and future governor of Lagash—describing a battle with Urlumma, governor of Umma. He successfully defeated the Ummaite to resolve the border dispute between the two city-states and restore crucial water rights.

CDLI entry: P222490

credit: Guerra, Dylan M.

Middle Assyrian Assur: 11 (2015-07-03)

A bilingual phrase book (III)

VAT 9552 is a well-preserved fragment of the third tablet of the series Ana ittišu. In contrast to tablet VI we have a better preserved manuscript in Kuyuncik collection from Nineveh: P382244. The list starts with terminology regarding the harvest. Noteworthy are expressions regarding adoption.

CDLI entry: P282495

credit: Wagensonner, Klaus

Middle Assyrian Assur: 10 (2015-07-02)

A bilingual phrase book (II)

This detail of VAT 8875 deals with lexical entries regarding the seal (Akkadian kunukku). Sealing practices varied from period to period. The lexical list Ana ittišu to some extent shows features of grammatical texts. In this case some of the entries are repeated with alternating possessive suffixes.

CDLI entry: P282494

credit: Wagensonner, Klaus

Middle Assyrian Assur: 9 (2015-07-01)

A bilingual phrase book (I)

So far, seven "tablets" are known, which belong to a lexical series which "gives a hodge-podge of words and phrases relevant to business documents mixed with laws" (N. Veldhuis, "The Cuneiform Tablet as an Educational Tool," Dutch Studies on Near Ea­stern Languages and Cultures 2 [1996], 11-26). This series is called after its first entry Ana ittišu (Sum. ki-ulutin-bi-še3), "upon pertinent notice given."

This tablet in the Vorderasiatische Museum Berlin is a copy of the sixth tablet of this series. There is so far just one other manuscript (K 4317+), which dates to the Neo-Assyrian period and belongs to Ashurbanipal's royal library in Nineveh. This manuscript has just a small fraction of the list preserved. The Middle Assyrian manuscript, on the other hand, preserves almost the entire text.

As we have seen in earlier posts, the lexical texts from Assur are already bilingual. Each column of this four-column tablet has two sub-columns with a Sumerian version on the left and its Akkadian equivalent on the right. This column-based format of bilingual texts was mainly used for lexical texts. We will come across a different format when discussing copies of literary compositions.

In Ana ittišu each phrase is separated by ruling from the subsequent one. The tablet's colophon states that it's source originates from Nippur. In fact, forerunners of this lexical list are known from Old Babylonian Nippur (ca. 1900-1600 BC).

CDLI entry: P282494

credit: Wagensonner, Klaus

Middle Assyrian Assur: 8 (2015-06-30)

A list of wooden objects; Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin; VAT 8876

Studying the extant colophons in the so-called "reconstructed Iibrary" M2 allows us to a certain extent to reconstruct the scribal sphere of a particular period in Assur's history. It is not known, whether the scribes attested in the colophons worked together or were educated at the same place. Little to nothing is known about these aspects of Middle Assyrian administration. The texts copied by the two brothers Marduk-balassu-eresh and Bel-aha-iddina offer a rather vivid picture. They checked each others copy in several instances. That may suggest that both were educated at the same time. However, we do not look at a full record.

This quite well-preserved tablet contains six columns of text. This list of objects made of wood is part of a large multi-thematic series, known by its first entry as ur5-ra : hubullu, whose forerunners are known from the Old Babylonian period. By the Middle Assyrian period we already have a more or less standardised text.

As a general feature of lexical texts of this period, this list offers Akkadian equivalents to Sumerian terms. Each column contains two sub-columns with the Sumerian version on the left and the Akkadian on the right. Additionally, each Sumerian term is written with the classifier GIŠ to mark wood and wooden objects.

CDLI entry: P282430

credit: Wagensonner, Klaus

Middle Assyrian Assur: 7 (2015-06-29)

The textual witnesses of Ninurta-uballissu's sons

It is unfortunate that hardly anything is known about the royal scribe Ninurta-uballissu and his sons. There are no letters, no administrative or legal documents, that may give us any hints about this family. The only testimony thus far are (currently) 23 texts, which can be assigned to one of the three sons of Ninurta-uballissu. There might be even more in the corpus (for an overview see K. Wagensonner, WOO 6 [2011]). Connecting lines in the diagram mark those tablets, where Marduk-balassu-eresh checked the copies of Bel-aha-iddina and vice versa.

(1) Marduk-balassu-eresh
(1.A.) Lexical texts
- Ea, tablet II
- Aa, tablet III/1 (= 16)
- Ura, tablet V
- Ana ittishu, tablet VI
- Ana ittishu, tablet VII
- Kagal, tablet B
- Nabnitu, tablet IV
(1.B.) Literary texts
- Lugal-e I-IV
- Lugal-e IX-XII
- Lugal-e XIII-XVI
- An-gim
- Nin-Isina's Journey to Nippur
(1.C.) Varia
- Astrolabe B

(2) Bel-aha-iddina
(2.A.) Lexical texts
- Ura, tablet III
- Diri, tablet II
- Ana ittishu, tablet III
- Kagal, tablet A
- Kagal, tablet II
[- Diri, tablet III]
(2.B.) Literary texts
- Nin-Isina's Journey to Nippur

(3) Sin-shuma-iddina
(3.A.) Lexical texts
- Ea, tablet I
- Izi, tablet XII
(3.B.) Literary text
- Unidentified

credit: Wagensonner, Klaus

Middle Assyrian Assur: 6 (2015-06-28)

Colophon of VAT 8875

The colophon of VAT 8875 may serve as good example of the range of information that can be gained from this data. This well-preserved tablet contains the sixth part (lit. "tablet") of the lexical series Ana ittišu, a list that contains judicial terminology and may be interpreted as a kind of phrase book.

The colophon is separated by a double ruling from the main body of the text. As mentioned in an earlier post, remarks may be written over this double ruling. The first line of the colophon contains a catch line, which refers to the first line of the subsequent "tablet" in the series. Such catch lines are used for lexical series that consist of several "tablets" in the series (DUB) or for literary compositions, which are copied on several tablets (e.g., "Ninurta's Exploits" which is copied on four tablets with four sections each; see later posts).

What follows is a technical apparatus containing information on the series, the amount of lines, and the provenance. In most cases the provenance is not rather accurate. In most instances of this "library" it is either Babylon or Nippur, where the sources supposedly originate from. There is just one case in this corpus, two copies of "Nin-Isina's Journey to Nippur," which provides more accurate data on the provenance.

The third main section of the colophon contains information on the scribe and his patronym. In some cases, not in this particular instance, this section also contains information about the individual, who checked the copy (IGI.KAR2). The colophons on the tablets written by two sons of the royal scribe Ninurta-uballissu contain a formula that contains a wish against the erasure of their name on the tablet.

Finally the tablets frequently bear a date.

CDLI entry: P282494

credit: Wagensonner, Klaus

Middle Assyrian Assur: 4 (2015-06-26)

Two Middle Assyrian manuscripts of the lexical series Ea

The Middle Assyrian evidence for the first tablet of the lexical series Ea is quite good. The two texts presented here, VAT 10172 and BM 108862, are the main manuscripts for the reconstruction of the series. Both tablets bear colophons, although on the latter the colophon is unfortunately mostly broken off. The tablet on the left-hand side was written by a certain Sîn-šuma-iddina, son of the royal scribe Ninurta-uballissu. We will later deal in more detail with the textual heritage of this family, whose sons were responsible of copying more than 20 tablets. The colophon of this tablet states that the source for the copy was an "old" tablet. Indeed his copy makes use of archaising sign forms once in a while. This feature is missing on the second tablet, whose palaeography is clearly Middle Assyrian.

CDLI entries: P282497; P453275

credit: Wagensonner, Klaus

Middle Assyrian Assur: 3 (2015-06-25)

Sign Syllabary; Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin; VAT 10172.

Each entry contains a very specific set of information: (1) A vertical wedge is the general marker for lexical entries; (2) a sign reading for the subsequent logogram (often written in smaller script);
(3) a Sumerian logogram; [(4) an analytical representation of the logogram (mostly part of the 1st millennium tradition]; and (5) an Akkadian equivalent.

CDLI entry: P282497

credit: Wagensonner, Klaus

Middle Assyrian Assur: 2 (2015-06-24)

Sign Syllabary; Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin; VAT 10172.

Sign syllabaries represent the major source for both the sign values and the Akkadian meanings of Sumerian signs. In the later scribal tradition there are, in particular, two sign syllabaries of great importance: (1) Ea and (2) Diri, both using a quite similar syntax in representing lexicographical data. The former list, whose first entry is e-a : A : nâqu, in general collects Sumerian logograms that are represented as single signs. Diri, on the other hand, contains logogram groups and their various readings and Akkadian equivalents.

The present tablet belongs to the lexical series Ea and is a copy of its first "tablet." As a matter of fact, the Middle Assyrian evidence can be seen as the most important source for this series before the 1st millennium texts. This is due to the relative good preservation (together with P453275). The content and sequence of the list's entries did not change significantly compared to the 1st millennium evidence and hence the Middle Assyrian manuscripts form the basis for our reconstruction of Ea.

The sequence of the entries of Ea follow in some sense a pattern that presents simple or basic sign forms first and include more and more complex sign forms. The first sign, A, is rather simple. Next are combinations of the sign A and inscribed signs, and so forth.

CDLI entry: P282497

credit: Wagensonner, Klaus

Middle Assyrian Assur: 1 (2015-06-23)

The site of ancient Assur and a "library" text containing a bilingual literary text

The site of Assur, located on the western shore of the Tigris, yielded textual finds from many periods of Mesopotamian history. Very rich are the finds dating to the Middle Assyrian period (ca. 1400-1000 BC). The subsequent posts focus on the so-called "reconstructed library M 2," a collection of texts, whose larger part is considered to belong to an official library. However, their original setting is unknown. Some of these texts found their way to the later Neo-Assyrian capital Nineveh and were included in the "palace library."

The text depicted here is a bilingual copy of the Sumerian literary composition "Ninurta's Exploits." The bilingual sources from Middle Assyrian Assur represent the most important source for the Akkadian translation of Sumerian literature before the 1st millennium BC.

CDLI entry: VAT 9710

credit: Wagensonner, Klaus

Ashmolean Museum, Conservation: 10 (2015-06-22)

Ashm 1924-1994

Conditions of tablets vary greatly and change over time. The example shown represents a tablet which had split into many fragments due to salt activity within the fabric. The fragments are brittle and crumble easily making it difficult to reassemble the interior. Since they cannot be reattached easily and in order to protect the remains from further deterioration during handling a removable fill was made. A thin plastic sheet was placed over the tablet before applying Polyfilla (calcium sulphate/cellofas) to the break edge. Once dry the fill and sheet were removed and the fill refined, sealed and painted before attaching it to the object. Polyfilla is lighter weight than plaster and much softer; using it to create as support fill allows the object to be held without putting pressure on the original surface which is delicate.

credit: dn & kw

Ashmolean Museum, Conservation: 9 (2015-06-21)

Black spots and stains on cuneiform tablets

Quite a few tablets witness the dark spots and stains on the surface. This kind of discoloration does not represent any damage, but diminishes the readability of each text. Recently this kind of characteristic has been studied (C. Gütschow, Methoden zur Restaurierung von ungebrannten und gebrannten Keilschrifttafeln - Gestern und Heute, BBVO 22 [2012], 75ff.). Analyses showed that these stains derive from Manganese in the soil. Manganese is a natural component of the clay. After being dried the manganese reaches the surface and oxidises.

credit: dn & kw

Ashmolean Museum, Conservation: 8 (2015-06-20)

A Hellenistic legal document being re-assembled; Ashmolean Museum, Ashm 1923-735.

This Hellenistic legal document is shown here being re-assembled using low tension clamps to secure the sections while the adhesive cures. The adhesive was applied in some areas as a liquid and in others as cured sheets which were reactivated with solvent.

credit: dn & kw

Ashmolean Museum, Conservation: 7 (2015-06-19)

Treatment of Ashm 1974-580 (II)

Here, the tablet Ashm 1974-580 is shown after the treatment. It shows several removable fills used to support fragments where the substrate has been lost. The fills have been painted to a solid colour so that they aren’t distracting to the object but also clearly distinguishable from the original. The fills have not been cast directly onto the object and can be easily removed with a small amount of solvent.

credit: dn & kw

Ashmolean Museum, Conservation: 6 (2015-06-18)

Treatment of Ashm 1974-580 (I)

Though appearing stable at first, the text Ashm 1974-580 suffered quite a lot. Parts of its surface were flaked off and left a greater number of fragments. To a great extent these fragments bear text and fragments of signs.

Recently most of the fragments could be rejoined to the tablet. Since the inner core is quite unstable as well, parts of the supporting material are gone. In order to re-attach some fragments, it was necessary to add a modern support.

credit: dn & kw

Ashmolean Museum, Conservation: 5 (2015-06-17)

Treatment of the prism Ashm 1911-405

This four-sided prism contains a frequently copied Sumerian literary composition, which is nowadays called the "Kesh Temple Hymn." Although the inner clay body appears to be in a relatively good condition, some areas on the surface became unstable. In the course of a recent treatment of the prism a loose fragment (highlighted) could be rejoined to the tablet. Since any supporting material was gone, the fragment needed to be lifted onto a modern fill.

The surface of the prism contains many smaller cracks. In order to stabilise the surface and prevent additional fragments from falling off, a thin adhesive was applied with a micropipette to consolidate the cracks.

credit: dn & kw

Ashmolean Museum, Conservation: 4 (2015-06-16)

Traces of previous treatment

This large four-sided prism containing several Sumerian literary compositions has received treatment some time ago. In order to stabilise the fragile body of the prism, the losses were filled with plaster. Unfortunately plaster that has been cast directly onto the tablet cannot be removed easily; making it difficult to replace with a more suitable material. A further complication is that plaster has been deposited on the surface adjacent to the fills leaving a fine layer of plaster. This layer is obscuring parts of the inscribed surface of the text.

credit: dn & kw

Ashmolean Museum, Conservation: 3 (2015-06-15)

A large tablet with several problems

The large tablet Ashm 1923-404 (containing an Old Babylonian version of a profession list) unfortunately represents a rather degraded clay body. It is one of those objects in the Ashmolean Museum, which is at risk of irreparable damage, if it does not receive treatment to secure the surface as far as possible.

Parts of the surface have already been lost; other areas are at risk of flaking off. Two areas are highlighted here. The red area shows a part of the surface, which is extremely worn out. Most of the inscription is gone. Both obverse and reverse have been imaged with the camera dome. Reflectance Transformation Imaging discussed in earlier posts thanks to the raking light can still help to make remains of the inscription visible.

The green area represents earlier treatment of the tablet. This kind of pattern with little round dots can be found on a greater number of tablets. These are not ancient traces, but a shadow of the surface the tablet was dried on during the desalination process. The circles are actually salt drawn to the surface where it could escape more quickly due to holes in the material they were placed on.

credit: dn & kw

Ashmolean Museum, Conservation: 2 (2015-06-14)

Cuneiform texts suffering from salinisation

The majority of cuneiform artefacts were discovered unfired in the soil. In cases such as Palace G in Ebla, which has been destroyed by fire, the tablets were burnt already in antiquity. Furthermore, many so-called "library" texts were fired in antiquity as well. Until quite recently it has been customary to fire tablets in museum collections in order to better preserve them. The firing of a tablet, however, changes the chemical and physical characteristics of the clay. The firing not always led to the desired result and did the artefacts more harm than good. It became necessary to modify the firing process according to the analysis of the clay fabric of each artefact.

Historically firing was followed by desalination in water to remove soluble salts. However this treatment is not always effective and the approach is debated because the salt can be a significant part of the object's structure. Controlling the environment and specifically the humidity that these objects are stored has been shown to be an effective way of preventing salt movement and therefore damage. Cases are shown here of salts remaining in the clay body even after firing and desalination. Depending on the conditions of storage these salts might reach the surface and build smaller or larger encrustations. Examples: two Old Babylonian legal texts P315345 and P315343; and an Early Old Babylonian royal inscription with a larger area covered with thick salt encrustation.

credit: dn & kw

Ashmolean Museum, Conservation: 1 (2015-06-13)

Various cuneiform text artefacts during treatment in the Conservation Laboratory in the Ashmolean Museum

Including the collection of cuneiform artefacts of the Bodleian library the Ashmolean Museum holds 4,515 objects, which makes this collection the second-largest in Britain after the British Museum and one of the major European collections of text artefacts from the Ancient Near East. In preparation for the digitisation of the collection by CDLI the greater part of the collection has been surveyed between June and September 2012 (undertaken by the conservator Dana Norris). In the course of the assessment the tablets have been measured in order to start preparation for re-housing each tablet individually in storage boxes.

The assessment revealed that 15 % of the collection is in a very good condition and almost two thirds of the texts are stable. 38 objects of the collection were at risk of irreparable damage, would they not receive treatment. About 140 objects (the afore-mentioned 38 including) had loose or unstable fragments. Some of the largest objects in the collection may have suffered from the firing and subsequent desalination process that took place in the late 1970s due to the physical shape and thickness of the clay.

credit: dn & kw

Ashmolean Museum, Processing: 11 (2015-06-12)

Using dome captures (II)

(3) In the next step Image 3 is copied onto the merged Images 1 and 2. On this image the light comes from the right side. Therefore the better lit areas are selected. After feathering this the selection, it is copied onto a new layer and the original Image 3 can be deleted.

(4) It is now necessary to do some adjustments, which involve selecting areas of transition and modifying exposure and other settings. Since captures from light sources are taken, that lie opposite of each other, the transition points between the selected areas frequently appear problematic (especially in the case of tablet with a great curvature on the reverse).

After having all that done, this representation can be included in an already existed (flat-bed scanned) fat cross, in order to increase readability.

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum, Processing: 10 (2015-06-11)

Using dome captures (I)

Much work is being done on developing an online RTI-viewer, which allows to adjust the light angles in a web-based environment (see, for instance, the Portable Light Dome). In the meantime captures taken by the camera dome can be used to gain a good 2D-result. It must be stressed that this process cannot be automatised. Each side need to be treated individually. The end result sometimes may seem over-edited, but it is aimed at provided the most readable result.

After processing the raw files to a PTM file, this file is opened in a locally installed RTI-viewer (see earlier posts). Depending on the curvature of the object either three or four images with different light angles need to be exported. On the left-hand side three such exported shots of Ashm 1922-176 are shown with indication of the various light sources (yellow points on green). Image 1 uses light from the upper left corner, Image 2 from the lower left corner and Image 3 from the right side.

(1) In a first step all three shots are opened in Photoshop. First, Image 2 is copied onto Image 1. Since on Image 2 the light comes from the lowerleft corner, we can select the areas of better visibility.

(2) The selection needs to be feathered in order to avoid sharp borders and have a smooth transition between the different images. That being done the selection is copied into a new layer. The original Image 2 can now be removed. In some cases one of the layers needs some adjustments.

Of course, parts of Image 3 still need to be blended over this result. This will be shown in tomorrow's post.

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum, Processing: 9 (2015-06-10)

Batch processing of large quantities of raw (flat-bed) images

The script and Photoshop actions discussed in the last couple of days can also be used to automatically process large quantities of raw images. In order to do that a folder containing raw files is taken. The script searches for the first file that contains "be" (standing for bottom edge) and then selects all files that start with the same element (in this case a museum number).

The remaining parts of the process are similar to those described before. The files are merged together into one document. Then the background is removed and the sides are preliminary aligned. This preliminary fat cross is then saved with the museum number as file name.

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum, Processing: 8 (2015-06-09)

Processing scans to CDLI-conform "fatcrosses" using a combination of script and Photoshop actions (III)

After the sides are aligned to produce a preliminary "fatcross" (see [4] on the left) each side can now be placed.

(5) Since the black background of each layer was removed in an earlier step, the sides can easily be aligned and placed quite close to either obverse or reverse. The obverse is surrounded by all four edges with the top edge above and so forth. Remains of the support (or foams) may now obstruct several sides. In a further step, a script helps reducing the manual labour in removing these problems as far as possible. Both obverse and reverse are cleaned. The remaining areas can be quickly cleaned with the eraser tool.

Last but not least, dust and little scratches need to be removed, but the pollution on scans depends on the frequency of cleaning the glass and of course on the text artefact itself, which might lose dust during the imaging process. Flat-bed scanner need to be renewed after scanning a certain amount of objects, since scratches cannot be avoided completely.

In tomorrow's post the processing of a large batch of raw files using this method will be presented.

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum, Processing: 7 (2015-06-08)

Processing scans to CDLI-conform "fatcrosses" using a combination of script and Photoshop actions (II)

As we have seen yesterday, the individual sides are copied into one document. The script uses the raw files. There is no need to crop the sides individually, since the subsequent step in the script deals with the background (see upper left corner).

(3) First, the levels (brightness, contrast, etc.) are adjusted. This darkens not just the individual side (making the inscription more visible), but the background as well, which now should be pitch black. Photoshop's Magic Wand selects automatically a specific point in each layer (the upper left corner at position 0,0 is chosen for this purpose). The background is deleted. Since the edges are scanned with the help of a support, remains of this support may still be visible. The remains can easily be removed with the eraser, after all edges are aligned correctly.

(4) In the next step the script preliminarily puts all sides in the right area. Since the script does use the original raw files, final adjustments need to be done manually. However, most of the bakcground is gone now and hence it is possoble to move the edges rather close to obverse and reverse without obstucting them with the respective backgrounds.

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum, Processing: 6 (2015-06-07)

Processing scans to CDLI-conform "fatcrosses" using a combination of script and Photoshop actions (I)

The advantages of flat-bed scans in terms of processing times and efforts have been made clear (see Digitization Guidelines). Most of the manual labour of creating "fatcrosses" can be done by using scripts and actions. On this and the pages that follow in the next couple of days, one way of processing scans is being presented.

Let us have a look on creating a fatcross for one tablet, Ashm 1922-176, a letter from the famous Šamaš-hazir correspondence discussed earlier (CDLI-entry: P450713).

(1) First the individual sides (bottom edge (be), left edge (le), obverse (o), reverse (r), right edge (re), top edge (te)) need to be selected. The script copies these files into one document and into individual layers.

(2) The interim result of this first part is a patch-work of the individual sides. The layers are renamed to fit the sides.

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum, Processing: 5 (2015-06-06)

Processing HDR photos (II)

Once all six sides (or even more in case of a cone or prism) are processed, they can be stitched together to a "fatcross," i.e., a representation of the text artefact making all sides visible.

Since the distance between object and camera lens differs depending on the side taken (unless the distance is adjusted using the respective focus, which is however time-consuming), the size of each side need to be adjusted individually. Furthermore, although specific settings in the afore-mentioned software Photomatix Pro help to reduce the background noise, in many cases the background need to be cleaned carefully.

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum, Processing: 4 (2015-06-05)

Processing HDR photos (I)

Earlier we saw that merging together photos taken with different exposure lengths and hence producing High Dynamic Range photos lead to a better output of shadows and highlights on text artefacts.

In most cases three shots suffice to get good results. Although images can processed manually to get an HDR photo, it is worthwhile to use specific software for doing so. Photomatix Pro, for instance, allows for adjusting various settings in order to gain a balanced photo.

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum, Processing: 3 (2015-06-04)

Processing Images from the camera-dome

The camera dome collects 76 images that are processed to a Polynomial Texture Mapping (PTM) file. These processed files are opened in a locally installed viewer (called RTIviewer). In this program the light angles can be manipulated. For gathering an interim 2D image, three or four different light positions are saved individually.

In the left upper image the light position is (as indicated within the green circle) in the left upper corner; on the right side there is an extracted image with the light position in the right lower corner.

In Adobe Photoshop, these three (or four) images are merged and areas of good exposure and detail are kept and blended in order to gain an evenly lighted 2D result that can be combined with processed images from a flatbed scanner.

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum, Processing: 2 (2015-06-03)

Processing and viewing RTI images

After discussing various imaging techniques that are used by CDLI, let us return to Reflectance Transformation Imaging. Whether using a camera dome or just placing a shiny ball in an object's vicinity, it is necessary to process the gathered raw images. The essential key is a file that contains the light positions (x, y, and z axis) of each LED in the camera dome (or positions of light sources that are reflected in the shiny ball).

A so-called PTM-fitter merges the raw images together and calculates the various light angles. The resulting PTM-file can be viewed in a RTIviewer. In this program the various effects of the light sources on the text artefact can be simulated.

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum, Processing: 1 (2015-06-02)

Processing the images from the camera dome

The camera dome at the Ashmolean Museum produces 76 images (as explained earlier each with a different light angle). The individual light positions are saved in a lp-file, which is in fact a text file containing a list of all LEDs and the corresponding x, y, and z axes (see the screenshot below on the right side).

Cultural Heritage Imaging provides a RTI-builder, which allows for easy processing the raw images from the camera dome. In doing so, they program uses the file with the light positions and calculates the different light angles. In case an object is imaged without a dome and using a glossy ball, the individual positions of the light sources need to be extrapolated in each processing by selecting the ball on the shots. The program then detects the highlighting reflections of the light on the glossy ball and thus calculates the light positions.

This program furthermore allows to crop the area. Therefore, valuable storage space is saved.

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum, Imaging: 6 (2015-06-01)

Imaging text artefacts using a flat-bed scanner

As mentioned in yesterday's post, a steady work-flow guarantees not just a faster imaging, but is also less prone to errors (e.g., forgotten sides). CDLI's digitization guidelines, contain instructions of how to use such a work-flow. In doing so, starting with the right side (obverse or reverse) of a tablet is less crucial and can easily be corrected in the processing afterwards. (For some periods identifying obverse or reverse may pose difficulties. Furthermore, splinters from the surface of larger tablets quite frequently cannot be identified as belonging to either obverse or reverse.)

The work-flow can be used for one tablet at a time, but also for a bunch of tablets. Smallish administrative texts dating to the Ur III period, for instance, can be scanned in groups of up to 24. For edges it is necessary to use a kind of support. CDLI uses a "tablet box," which is a kind of frame with several compartments (see the photo on yesterday's post). In these conpartments the tablets can be inserted and hold in place with foam pieces.

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum, Imaging: 5 (2015-05-31)

Imaging tablets using a flat-bed scanner

For larger collections of cuneiform text artefacts as the Ashmolean Museum the camera dome is used for about 20-25 % of the holdings. This technology is used, in particular, for high impact objects as well as damaged and sealed surfaces. Imaging texts with the camera dome takes a certain amount of time. The camera dome needs about 6-7 minutes per side.

All text artefacts are imaged using a conventional flat-bed scanner (here, the Canon 5600F, which proved to allow for very good results). Flat-bed scanning has several advantages. First, the whole process is faster (especially by employing a certain work-flow; see the next post) compared to other imaging techniques. Since each surface has always the same distance to the scanner, the speed of processing the raw files is significantly faster than processing images produced with other techniques (a nice side-effect is that given the resolution the size of an artefact can be calculated).

In the section "Processing" following soon, the processing techniques of scans will be presented in more detail.

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum, Imaging: 4 (2015-05-30)

High Dynamic Range Photography on Ashm 1928-1.

High Dynamic Range Photography (short HDR) allows for a better management of the shadowy and light spots of objects and therefore captures a greater dynamic range between the darkest and lightest spots of an image. This method is quite suitable for text artefacts. The camera is mounted on a copy-stand facing down (alternatively a tripod can be used). A light source casts light onto the object from the upper left corner. A reflector (either another light source or a piece of aluminium foil) on the opposite corner reflects the light back to the object.

The camera is set to M(anual mode). A mid-range shutter speed is chosen. Automatic Exposure (AE) bracketing allows for generating three (or up to nine) shots each with a different exposure length (short, middle, long). Single shots often can lead to a loss of detail.

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum, Imaging: 3 (2015-05-29)

RTI on larger objects

In case the object that needs to be imaged with Reflectance Transformation Imaging technology is oversized and does not fit into the dome (the maximum size of the object must not exceed a third of the dome's diameter), it is possible to use this imaging technique also without a dome. The great advantage of a camera dome is that it eliminates any ambient light and offers a completely darkened environment.

A hand-held flash replaces the LEDs attached to the inside of the camera dome. In order to have the light source approximately at the same distance to the object the easiest method is to use a piece of string, whose length is three times as large as the object's height.

At any point (or at several) a shiny ball (most adequate are either a red or black snooker ball) is placed that reflects the light source (from the hand-held flash) at every shot taken.

When processed the computer can calculate the location of the light source in relation to the reflection on the ball. Whereas the number of LEDs within a camera dome is fixed, so-called "Highlight RTI" allows for as many shots with different light positions as possible.

The object imaged here is a Neo-Assyrian relief from the North-West Palace of Ashurnasirpal II.

credit: kw & bl

Ashmolean Museum, Imaging: 2 (2015-05-28)

Inside of the camera dome and schematics

The diameter of the camera dome is approximately 1 m. The schematics on the right show demonstrate how the dome works. On the its inside 76 light sources (LEDs) are attached. One after another they cast light onto the surface of an object, which is placed in the centre. In order to gain the best results, the artefact is on level with the horizon of the hemisphere.

In a couple of days time we are going to have a look into the viewing and processing of images produced by such a camera dome. For further information on this technology and its use for the digitisation of ancient documents see the webpage of Cultural Heritage Imaging.

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum, Imaging: 1 (2015-05-27)

Imaging station with camera dome

The camera dome used by the project "Creating a Sustainable Cuneiform Digital Library" at the University of Oxford uses 76 daylight-LEDs, which are attached to the inside of the plexiglas dome. A high resolution digital camera is mounted on the top of the dome, looking straight down through a hole. The object is placed on a stage in the centre lifted up to the horizon.

This technology named Reflectance Transformation Imaging (RTI) is used to create a Polynomial Texture Map (PTM) of any object whose surface has a texture. The 76 individual raw files each using a different light source and therefore a different light angle, are merged together. In the resulting PTM-file the various light angles can be simulated.

Tomorrow's post will show the inside of the camera dome as well as a cross section.

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 30 (2015-05-26)

Collection of incantations pertaining to a medical ritual; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1924-788+.

This tablet in the Ashmolean Museum collects incantations from a medical ritual that is known as ugu, "scull," the full title being in translation "If a man's head is feverish." This ritual series collects medical conditions and a respective treatment, which includes the preparation of potions and ointments as well as their application.

K 2354+ is a large manuscript from the library of the Neo-Assyrian king Ashurbanipal from Nineveh, which contains the first section of the ritual series. In contrast, the example in the Ashmolean Museum contains specifically incantations that belong to section I-IV of the series.

CDLI entry: P274683

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 29 (2015-05-25)

Lung omina; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1924-793.

The cuneiform culture attests to a vast corpus of omina. Divination, the observation of signs on the organs of a sheep, was one of the major tools for predicting the future and come to a decision. While liver omina are well-known from cuneiform texts, omina regarding the sheep's lungs are quite scarce.

This quite large and unfortunately fragmentary tablet in the Ashmolean Museum originates from the excavations in ancient Kish and therefore belongs to the rich finds of scholarly texts from the first millennium BC Babylonia. There are several parallels known for this text (collected by A. R. George, "Review of OECT 11," [1990], ZA 80, 159). Most notable is a fairly well preserved manuscript from Nineveh dating to the Middle Assyrian period and coming originally from Assur (K 205).

Besides liver models in clay there are also a couple of examples of model lungs. The most significant example comes from Nimrud (CTN 4, 60). It is a three-dimensional model of a sheep's lungs and other internal organs. A further example is CBS 470, whose surface is divided into fields by lines. Each field is inscribed with either the cuneiform sign for "left," "right," or both to indicate whether the omen is good ("right") or bad ("left").

Coming back to our text, the following two omens may be cited:

If the lower part of the lung is split on the right, then the totality of my army will disintegrate. My army will collapse in its main body.
If the lower part of the lung is split on the left, then the totality of the enemy army will disintegrate. The enemy army will collapse in its main body.

CDLI entry: P348953

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 28 (2015-05-24)

Legal document about the lease of the butcher's allotment dating to the Hellenistic period; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1923-68.

About 75 documents in the Ashmolean Museum date to the Hellenistic period (323-63 BC). Outstanding is a larger group of brick-shaped legal documents.

This contract (see T. Doty, Cuneiform Archives from Hellenistic Uruk [1977], 102ff.; P. Corò, Prebende Templari in Età Seleucide [2005], 307ff.) deals with the lease of a butcher's allotment (ṭābihūtu) for a period of 10 years. Compared to other prebends like brewer's prebend or the baker's prebend the individual leasing such an allotment will do the work that is connected with it and enjoys its income. Kidin-Sîn agrees to pay cuts of meat to Anu-mar-ittannu.

Furthermore the document contains clauses in order to prevent the seller (Anu-mar-ittannu) to otherwise sell the allotment, and to prevent Kidin-Sîn from subcontracting the allotment to other parties. Both parties receive a copy of the contract.

In the Hellenistic period the stamp seal came into new fashion. It is a common feature of such documents that the parties and witnesses sealed with their respective seals. The impressions are labeled.

CDLI entry: P342373

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 27 (2015-05-23)

Tabular account about digging dating to the Old Babylonian period; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1922-290.

Tabular accounts, which present information on horizontal and vertical axes are known, in particular, starting with the Old Babylonian period (ca. 1900-1600 BC). This tablet in the Ashmolean Museum is such a tabular account. The information is organised and presented into columns and rows. It records the lengths, widths and depths of earth works. The table presents the volumes of canals dug and not yet dug and assigns these works to workmen or overseers. Additionally the document gives subtotals and totals of lengths and volumes at various points. The text groups the information into headed columns. Although the tablet bears no date, the names mentioned as well as the palaeography makes the area of Larsa in the time of the Babylonian kings Hammurapi or Samsu-iluna plausible.

The tabular complexity of this text is astonishing, for its organisation follows each, a horizontal and vertical axis. Furthermore, it has three levels of calculation: (1) entries marked with "that PN did" in the right-most column; (2) the descriptive phrase running the whole width of the tablet; (3) the grand total at the end. (edition: E. Robson, "Accounting for Change: The Development of Tabular Book-keeping in Early Mesopotamia," in: M. Hudson & C. Wunsch (eds) Creating Economic Order [2004], 112ff.).

CDLI entry: P347361

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 26 (2015-05-22)

Mathematical problem including procedure and diagram dating to the Old Babylonian period; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm Bod AB 216.

This tablet in the collection of cuneiform artifacts of the Bodleian library, which is now part of the Ashmolean Museum, contains a mathematical problem, whose goal is to find the length and area of a triangle (edition: E. Robson, SCIAMVS 5 [2004], 24ff., no. 14). The area is described as a furrowed field, on which "furrows descrease on furrows by 6 rods." Therefore, the text provides information on the hypotenuse of the triangular area. Furthermore, it gives us the width of the field and the amount of furrows. On top of the obverse the text gives a diagram that shows the pertinent triangle.

The first problem is to calculate the length (line 4: UŠ EN.NAM). In lines 5-13 the calculations are described step by step. Since the width was already provided, the next problem is to find out the area of the triangle. The calculation of the latter is less complicated. It is simply needed to multiply half of the width with the length.

CDLI entry: P368255

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 25 (2015-05-21)

Metrological list of weights and capacities dating to the Old Babylonian period; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1931-137.

Mathematical texts come in many guises. This large multi-column tablet in the Ashmolean Museum contains a metrological list of capacities, weights, and areas. Metrological lists, such as this example, occur early in the Old Babylonian curriculum of apprentice scribes. A good grasp of numbers and the various ways of measuring were essential for a future administrative scribe.

Metrological lists are hence quite common in our documentation. Christine Proust mentions 187 tablets that can be assigned to this type of mathematical text (see C. Proust, CDLJ 2009:1). Thanks to their organisation in various sections and a clear structure of the metrology these texts provide valuable data on the different notations and the systems behind these notations. For a similar example see HS 249+1805 in the Hilprecht collection in Jena.

CDLI entry: P368260

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 24 (2015-05-20)

Mathematical exercise with possible computation error dating to the Old Akkadian period; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1924-689.

The Ashmolean Museum houses a text dating to the Old Akkadian period (ca. 2340-2200 BC), which was interpreted as mathematical exercise text. Parallels are known. So is ZA 74, 60 a tablet in the Oriental Institute Museum in Chicago (edition: R.M. Whiting, "More Evidence for Sexagesimal Calculations in the Third Millennium B.C." ZA 74 [1984], 59ff.). Exercises such as these show that sexagesimal place notation, which is known in Old Babylonian mathematical texts and served to express fractions, was already used in the 3rd millennium. Both texts end with the Sumerian phrase ba-pa3. An even closer parallel to this small tablet in the Ashmolean Museum is ZA 74, 65. Both, this tablet and our text mention an individual named Ur-Ištaran.

CDLI entry: P215434

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 23 (2015-05-19)

Old Babylonian legal document; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1926-378.

This tablet in the Ashmolean Museum belongs to the Old Babylonian archive of Mannum-mešu-lissur in Nippur and was published by G. R. Hunter in the eighth volume of the Oxford Editions of Cuneiform Texts. Texts such as this one deal with agreements for adoption. Besides documents that deal with the adoption of children in order to fulfil the social need to provide parents to orphans or heirs for childless couples other texts attest to the economic aspects of adoption. They may declare properties to be shared by the inheritors or assignments of custodianships for specific gates and so forth.

This particular document is dated to the reign of Sin-iqišam. It contains the shares of two sons. The individual shares contain properties (houses and fields) including their various locations (in relation to adjacent plots) as well as temple offices (or prebends), which are given for specific periods.

The document ends with the phrase:

Together they have agreed to the division. In future each will not make a claim against the other. Thus have they sworn in the name of the king.

A parallel of this document is provided by OECT 8, 17.

Edition: E. C. Stone and D. I. Owen, Adoption in Old Babylonian Nippur and the Archive of Mannum-mešu-lissur (= Mesopotamian Civilizations vol. 3) no. 53.

CDLI entry: P283645

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 22 (2015-05-18)

Ur III document and its envelope; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1919-11.

This administrative document records very large amounts of reeds revceived by Shulgi-ili from three named “scribes of the brewery” and from the important imperial administrator known as the Sukkal-maḫ. The first two scribes are said to come from Drehem (ancient Puzriš-Dagan), the administrative and quite possibly redistributive center established close to Nippur by Shulgi; the third scribe is said to be from Nippur itself. The delivery from the Sukkal-maḫ is ascribed to the work of the conscripts of Girsu.

A simple search using CDLI’s new seals catalogue results in five almost identical documents recording the same transaction from the years Ibbi-Suen 1 and 2.

On the four other artifacts, the seal of Shulgi-ili is found directly on the tablet, whereas our Ashmolean tablet, itself unsealed, was placed in a sealed envelope. Shulgi-ili is otherwise mostly known in Drehem records as a deliverer of fattened animals; thus, the reeds in these accounts, whose qualification zi demonstrates that they were used as fodder, were destined for these same animals.

CDLI entry: P142785

credit: jld

Ashmolean Museum: 21 (2015-05-17)

Neo-Babylonian lexical text containing toponyms; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1923-277.

Thanks to the excavations at the ancient site of Kish, the Ashmolean Museum houses a substantial collection of late lexical material from Mesopotamia. These texts are generally dated to the neo-Babylonian period. They reach from elementary lists of signs to complex compendia of lexical items.

This relatively well-preserved tablet appears to be as yet unpublished. It furthermore cannot be found in Oliver R. Gurney’s index of the lexical texts of the museum published in MSL SS 1. The content clearly relates this text to the geography sections of the thematic lexical series ur5-ra : hubullu (edited in MSL 11). This series in its canonical version consists of 24 “tablets” covering a wide range of topics. The geography sections are preserved on tablets 20-22 of the series. Our text is important for the reconstruction of tablets 21-22, starting with important place names like Nippur and Isin. The reverse contains, among others sections on temple names, gate names and, finally, stars.

CDLI entry: P450731

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 20 (2015-05-16)

Lexical text containing designations for rivers and canals; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1923-405.

This lexical text in the Ashmolean Museum dates to the Old Babylonian period (ca. 1900-1600 BC). This period marks a time, when a new repertory of lexical texts has been compiled. Among the vast corpus of lexical texts dating already to the early second millennium, it is multi-thematic series ur5-ra : hubullu that represents a complex inventory of words.

This multi-column tablet deals with topographical terms, among others a long list of rivers and canals. The list starts with the "ditch" (Sum. e.g.2). The second entry is pa5, "small canal." The list then goes on and proceeds with a long enumeration of river names marked by the classifier ID2. All three designations are central to agriculture. Water for irrigation came from a river or major canal either to smaller canals (pa5, Akk. atappu) or ditches (e.g.2, Akk. īku).

The remaining text, as far preserved, contains other topographical designations and food stuff (e.g., designations of barley).

Quite a few designations are also attested in the later tradition of this lexical series, most notably in on the 22nd tablet (the series ur5-ra : hubullu in its canonical version frm the late 2nd and 1st millennia BC consists of 24 tablets). In tomorrow's post a much later version of this list dating to the first millennium BC will be presented.

Edition: E. Reiner (with the collaboration of M. Civil), The Series HAR-ra = hubullu, Tablets XX - XXIV (MSL XI), 1974, pp. 144ff.

CDLI entry: P452252

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 19 (2015-05-15)

Seven-sided prism containing a version of the Early Dynastic List of metals and metal objects; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1931-128.

This lexical text was compiled in the late Uruk period (ca. 3200-3000 BC). It contains a list of metals and metal objects, following a sophisticated sequence based on semantic and graphical characteristics. This word list belongs to a group of archaic thematic word lists that, at the beginning of the third millennium, spread from Uruk to other cities in the ancient Near East. The best evidence for this particular list originates from the northern Babylonian sites of Fara and Tell Abu Salabikh, both dating to the ED IIIa period (ca. 2600-2500 BC). The list even reached the Syrian site of Ebla, attested there in an almost perfectly preserved manuscript.

While some archaic word lists, at least so far as we know, cease to be transmitted after the end of the Early Dynastic period, other lists continued in use until the early 2nd millennium, alongside the emergence of many new (genres of) lexical texts in the late Early Dynastic period. Still, the evidence for these texts in the second half of the third millennium is quite scarce.

The quite well-preserved seven-sided prism in the Ashmolean museum (originally published by O. R. Gurney in 1969 Iraq 31, pp. 3ff.) contains a version of the Metals list that dates to the Old Akkadian period. An important peculiarity about this version is the addition of a semantic classifier to each of the entries. This classifier ‛uruda’ precedes designations of objects made of copper. Otherwise, the text itself does not differ substantially from the Early Dynastic versions. Besides this modification, one should note the alternation of entries with and without the sign AN in a large section of the text. This feature is already present in the archaic versions. Patterns like this one are not uncommon in the early lexical corpus. The qualifier AN has been interpreted in several ways. Besides being a divine marker, it has also been argued that it might be an early form of the Sumerian designation for tin, an-na, or, since AN is also the Sumerian designation of the heavens, for “meteoric” iron.

CDLI entry: P213492

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 18 (2015-05-14)

Expository text on the cultic calendar; Ashmolean Museum, Ashm 1924-789.

The cultic calendar was of immense importance in Mesopotamia. This tablet in the Ashmolean Museum is a type of composition that was known to the ancient scribes as kakku sakku, "sealed, stopped up". A. Livingstone describes such texts as "expository works in which events from rituals are detailed and then explained by equating them with mythological events" (Livingstone, Mystical and Mythological Explanatory Works [1986], 115). As was noted by O. R. Gurney in his edition of the text in OECT 11, the only close parallel to the text in the Ashmolean Museum is VAT 9947 (see Livingstone 1986, 126ff.).

Other compositions that loosely relate to such a text are the series Iqqur ippuš or the so-called Astrolabes (see, for instance, Astrolabe B). Most information regarding our text can be gained from the first column, which is better preserved. This column deals with days of the second month in the Babylonian calendar (iti-gu4, Ayyaru). Astrolabe B relates to the gu4-si-su festival in Nippur, which preceded the preparations of the coming plowing and sowing. That text states: "The month Ayyaru, the Pleiades, the Seven Gods. The Opening up of the ground; the oxen are yoked, the land becomes arable. The plows are washed; the month of heroic Ningirsu, the great ensi of Enlil." The tablet in the Ashmolean Museum deals with rituals performed on various days during specific months.

Edition: Gurney, O. R. 1989. Literary and miscellaneous texts in the Ashmolean Museum. OECT 11, Oxford, pp. 26ff.

CDLI entry: P348949

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 17 (2015-05-13)

Akkadian Hymn to the god Amurru; Ashmolean Museum, Ashm 1923-766.

This intriguing work of Akkadian religious poetry sings the praises of Amurru, a god of the steppe. According to one plausible interpretation, our text dates to the reign of Rim-Sin (1822-1763 BC), who ruled for sixty years over the southern Mesopotamian city of Larsa until his defeat at the hands of king Hammurabi of Babylon in 1763 (following the so-called middle chronology).

If the attribution to Rim-Sin is correct, then “Amurru and his crook” is currently one of the oldest extant works of Akkadian literature. The technical skill evinced in our poem’s carefully balanced verse, which is designed to be heard rather than read, suggests that Akkadian compositions such as these had a longer history than our limited sources allow us to see. In previous centuries, according to our evidence, Sumerian had been the literary language of choice. One of the most popular Sumerian genres was the hymn: a brief song of praise addressed to a god, at the end of which a king would request divine favor or thank the god for having granted his favor previously.

There is some evidence to suggest that under the kings of Larsa, among whom Rim-Sin was prominent, Sumerian literature in general began to decline, and that hymns in particular began to be composed in Akkadian. This development was to produce some of the early masterpieces of Akkadian literature under the dynasty of king Hammurabi of Babylon. While our text is no such masterpiece, it is nevertheless artfully composed and exhibits many phrases and grammatical features that are characteristic of high literary Akkadian. The religious outlook of “Amurru and his crook” is typically Mesopotamian: the singer praises Amurru both for his importance among the other gods of the pantheon and for the generosity and clemency he shows to mankind. The crook—the symbol of Amurru, who seems to be a pastoral god of the western steppe—has the power to “give life to the people,” as the hymn says. This may involve a pun on the word meaning “crook” (Akkadian: gamlum) and a similar-sounding word meaning “to be kind” (Akkadian: gamālum).

Edition: Gurney, O. R. 1989. Literary and miscellaneous texts in the Ashmolean Museum. OECT 11, Oxford, pp. 15-19

CDLI entry: P348900

credit: cm

Ashmolean Museum: 16 (2015-05-12)

Prism containing the Kesh Temple Hymn; Ashmolean Museum, Ashm 1911-405.

The "Kesh temple hymn" is one of the few Old Sumerian literary texts, which is preserved not just through manuscripts from the ED IIIa period (ca. 2600-2500 BC), but also through a high amount of manuscripts dating to the Old Babylonian period (ca. 1900-1600 BC). This composition belonged to the corpus of ten literary texts, which were copied by apprentice scribes in the Old Babylonian "school". This collection is nowadays known as "Decad".

This manuscript in the Ashmolean Museum is one of the few copies of this composition, which were inscribed on a prism. The inner structure of the text is maintained by the repetition of a refrain that was already extant in the earliest versions from Tell Abu Salabikh dating to the ED IIIa period (ca. 2600-2500 BC). In the Old Babylonian version this refrain reads in translation as follows:

Will anyone else bring forth something as great as Keš?
Will any other mother ever give birth to someone as great as its hero Ašgi?
Who has ever seen anyone as great as its lady Nintur?

This refrain is followed by the remark e2-n-kam-ma-am3, "it is the nth house." The "Standard version" in the Old Babylonian period contains either 8 or 10 of such stanzas.

The content of this temple hymn can be summarised as follows (after C. Wilcke, "Die Hymne auf das Heiligtum Keš," Fs. Vanstiphout [2006], 201ff.):
(1) Enlil praises Kesh and the goddess Nisaba writes down the song
(2) (Enlil approaching the temple), characteristics of the temple seen from the distance
(3) Visual and acoustic impressions of the temple
(4) Dimensions, architecture, colours, and shape of the temple
(5) Purpose of the temple for the gods and humankind
(6) The temple on its inside
(7) The temple on its outside
(8) Continuation of the description of the temple
(9) Cultic personnel and ceremonies
(10) Invitation to come to Kesh and participate at the feast

CDLI entry: P452248
ETCSL translation: 4.80.2

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 15 (2015-05-11)

Prism containing literary letters and dating to the Old Babylonian period; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1922-258.

Within the Old Babylonian scribal education collections of literary letters were used to instruct apprentice scribes. Besides a collection known as Sumerian Epistolary Miscellany (SEpM), of which this prism may serve as example, the school curriculum also knew further collections as, for instance, the Correspondence of the Kings of Ur (CKU) and the Correspondence of the Kings of Larsa (CKL).

This prism in the former Weld-Blundell collection and now part of the Ashmolean Museum is associated with the Sumerian Epistolary Miscellany (SEpM; see A. Kleinerman, Education in Early 2nd Millennium BC Babylonia. The Sumerian Epistolary Miscellany, 2011).

SEpM contains eighteen literary letters and four miscellaneous compositions. These compositions are linked through their epistolary nature and their close relation to the city of Nippur. The prism in the Ashmolean Museum is just linked via SEpM 22 to the afore-mentioned collection. The remaining compositions collected on it, belong to the correspondence of the Kings of Larsa. The prism contains the following compositions:

(1) Inim-Inana to Lugal-ibila (= SEpM 22; ETCSL 3.3.12)
(2) Sin-iddinam to Utu (ETCSL 3.2.05)
(3) Ninszatapada to Rim-Sin
(4) Nanna-mansum to Ninisina
(5) Sin-iddinam to Ninisina

The first literary letter is a quite short composition. Its content is appropriate for a pupil in the Old Babylonian school, whose curriculum mainly consists of Sumerian texts. It contains some instructions for how to treat children at school. The teacher is responsible for them and must not let them go, even if the pupil says so. Intriguing is the first part:

Do not neglect Sumerian! For the second time, I am sending you a message in the proper language.

In the Old Babylonian period, Akkadian was the vernacular. The curriculum of young scribes often betrays that fact. Though pupils had to copy bilingual lists as well, the major part of the curriculum was centred around Sumerian scribal lore.

CDLI entry: P345806

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 14 (2015-05-10)

Old Akkadian incantation with a love-charm of Enki; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1930-143+175h.

Excavations in the area of ancient Kish yielded a substantial number of Old Akkadian texts. This tablet in the Ashmolean Museum was found in the eastern part of the city complex of Kish, called Tell Ingharra. Unfortunately the lack of any precise archaeological record does not allow any further judgements regarding the original location of the tablet. The tablet is written in a fine Old Akkadian ductus.

This tablet is one of the rare examples of incantations that can be dated to the Old Akkadian period (ca. 2340-2200 BC). It is certain that the contents of this tablet are to be interpreted as an incantation "designed to overcome the resistance of a recalcitrant girl against the love of a young man" (Westenholz, A. & J. G. Westenholz. 1977. “Help for rejected suitors. The Old Akkadian Love Incantation MAD V 8,” Orientalia NS 46, 198-219). The composition plays with the topos of the fertile garden, an oft-found feature of love-songs. Many of his motifs and figurative expressions occur in other, later literary compositions as well.

CDLI entry: P285640

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 13 (2015-05-09)

Old Akkadian letter; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1929-160.

The Old Akkadian period (ca. 2340-2200 BC) witnesses the first significant corpus of letters in Mesopotamia.

This letter in the Ashmolean Museum has been published by Ignace J. Gelb (MAD 5, 2; edition in B. Kienast & K. Volk, Die sumerischen und akkadischen Briefe [1995], 141f.; siglum Ki 1). It is a letter of a certain Abbaja to a person named Dudua. Many letters like this one start with the particle en-ma, "thus," a precursor of later umma. In contrast to letters of later periods, which normally start with the addressee's (and therefore are introduced by the preposition ana), Old Akkadian letters generally mention the sender first. There are no blessings involved, even not in longer examples as P213212, a letter in the British Museum.

The body of this letter starts with the intriguing sentence "Why are you not my father?" (mi-num2 u3-la a-bi2 ad-da). The reason for this enigmatic question becomes clear in what follows. It must be noted in any case that kinship terms are frequently used to indicate ranks. Hence "father" refers to an individual higher in rank. The letter-writer goes on: "You not even trust me with 3000 liter barley."

The subsequent sentence bītum eri, lit. "the house is empty," was interpreted in a sense that the letter-writer still makes reproaches: "Is the firm broke?" He assures that he will be able to pay the requested amount of silver. He finally requests a message and Dudua's son to be sent.

CDLI entry: P213213

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 12 (2015-05-08)

Old Babylonian letter sent by Šamaš-hazir to his wife Zinû; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1922-266.

This is one of the few letters addressed to Zinû, who was the wife of Šamaš-hazir. He instructs his wife not to hold back barley and dates, which are destined to be given to the hired workers by Igmil-Sîn. The matter is pressing, because - as Šamaš-hazir mentions - he wrote to Igmil-Sîn regarding the building of ships. In what follows, it seems that Šamaš-hazir entrusts to his wife the endeavor to manage the logistical tasks around the construction:

According to the salary that is given the task shall be fulfilled. Barley and dates may be given out in my absence (lit. without me). They must not be negligent at the construction of the ships. They must not be idle.

Besides Igmil-Sîn Šamaš-hazir instructed also another individual to build a ship. He orders his wife to give out a certain amount of barley and dates for the hired workers.

CDLI entry: P384859

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 11 (2015-05-07)

Old Babylonian letter sent to Šamaš-hazir by Hammurapi; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1923-006.

In this letter in the Ashmolean Museum the ruler Hammurapi of the first dynasty of Babylon (ca. 1792-1750 BC) writes to Šamaš-hāzir, the head of the cadastre office in Larsa. This high official was responsible for the distribution and administration of royal land in the hinterlands of Larsa. Letters such as this example frequently deal with problems of ownership. In this letter a shepherd brought to the king's attention that four years earlier a certain Etel-pî-Marduk took away a field from him and enjoys the outcome ever since. Despite the fact that the shepherd informed Sîn-iddinam, the highest official in the province of Yamutbal, nothing happened.

The king wants this matter investigated and settled, since the shepherd has a sealed document issued in the palace. If his claim is just, he shall be returned the respective field in addition to the amount of barley Etel-pî-Marduk took from it in the previous years. Furthermore the king wants a full report on the matter.

This letter shows quite vividly that the king was directly involved in legal matters as well. Our letter mentions a "divine weapon," which gave divine authority to the judgements the royal official carrying it made. The plots of land were comparatively small. Due to the great amount of complexity registers needed to be kept in order to indicate who had the legal right to receive the usufruct of a field. Šamaš-hāzir's task was to watch over these assignments, which were confirmed by inserting a stake into the respective plots. In order to reclaim a field, when it was unjustly took over, a tenant needed to safeguard the document that asserted his rights.

CDLI entry: P384863

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 10 (2015-05-06)

An Old Babylonian (ca. 1900-1600 BC) legal text in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, UK. Scanned with a conventional flatbed, the Canon 5600f, by Klaus Wagensonner.

The tablet shown here entered the collection of the Ashmolean Museum in 1926 and was published by G. R. Hunter four years later in the series Oxford Editions of Cuneiform Texts, volume 8, no. 9, republished by E. C. Stone and D. I. Owen, Adoption in Old Babylonian Nippur and the Archive of Mannum-mešu-lissur (= Mesopotamian Civilizations vol. 3) no. 41. It belongs to a group of particularly well-preserved Old Babylonian legal documents in the collection. Most of these texts had envelopes.

This text from Nippur describes the terms of an adoption. It states that Mannum-mešu-lissur purchased the guardianship (nam-en-nu-un) of a statue for 15 days annually, as well as for the same amount of time the custodianship of a gate. These two tasks used to be the prebend of a certain Sin-lidiš. As purchase price for these prebends, Mannum-mešu-lissur paid two shekels of silver “as its full purchase price” (Sumerian sa10-til-la-bi-še3).

Being a legal document, it of course also contains clauses in order to prevent that the seller or his family may lay any claims against this purchase and the prebend-ownership:

In future Sin-lidiš and his heirs, however many there are, are to raise no claim against the guardianship of the statue of the Ekur-igigal (and the custodianship of the) Asala Ubšu-ukkina gate. Thus has he sworn in the name of the king.

This royal oath formula mu lugal-bi in-pa3 is followed by a list of witnesses (including the scribe of the document). The document is dated to the 12th year of the ruler Samsu-iluna, or ca. 1740 BC. Both enclosed document and envelope are sealed. The sealing concentrates on the seal legend and not on the pictorial depiction of the seal cylinder. The text is repeated on the envelope. Following any suspicion of fraud or manipulation of the agreement between the two parties, the envelope could have been opened and the contents of the enclosed tablet inspected.

CDLI entry: P283655

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 9 (2015-05-05)

One of about two dozen texts from Babylonia inscribed with Akkadian or Sumerian texts using a local variant of the Greek alphabet; 1st century AD or possibly even later; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1937-993.

These fragmentary and poorly understood texts testify to the longevity of the cuneiform writing system, and the importance of the cuneiform culture even at a transformational time when Mesopotamia was no longer ruled by native dynasties. A majority of the so-called Greaco-Babyloniaca, but not this exemplar in the Ashmolean Museum, have an inscription in cuneiform on one side and a Greek transcription on the other, and can therefore be described as school exercises.
Ashm 1937-993 is monolingual, but perhaps a transcription of a Sumerian-Akkadian bilingual incantation (Maul 1991), although this has been contested (Geller 1997).

S. M. Maul, “Neues zu den ‛Graeco-Babyloniaca’,” ZA 81 (1991) 87-107.
M. J. Geller, “The Last Wedge,” ZA 87 (1997) 43–95.

CDLI entry: P412445

credit: jld

Ashmolean Museum: 8 (2015-05-04)

Inscribed jar rim dating to the Uruk III period; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1928-445b.

In contrast to Egypt, labeled vessels are a rare sight in Mesopotamia. This shard in the Ashmolean Museum is the rim of a beer jug. The same as the lexical list containing pots and garments shown two days ago, it dates to the Uruk III period (ca. 3200-3000 BC) and originates from the site of Jemdet Nasr.

Interesting are the two signs to the left, one depicting a regular vessel with neck and spout, conventionally transliterated DUGa; the other one the same vessel, but with horizontal markings. Based on later sources as well as on numerous proto-cuneiform accounts documenting the use of malted grain to produce the drink found in DUG vessels, we are confident that this sign represents “beer” (Sumerian kaš). The other two preserved signs are ENa NEa. This sequence occurs several times in Late Uruk administrative documents as well. In a small economic record, for instance, a similar sequence is associated with another variant of the sign KAŠ, although this variant is interpreted by specialists to stand for a dairy product rather than a fermented drink. While not attested in the professions lists of the Uruk period, ENa NEa is most likely to be considered a title or profession.

CDLI entry: P005309

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 7 (2015-05-03)

Thematic lexical list with designations for vessels dating to the Neo-Babylonian period; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1932-518.

The early second millennium saw the emergence of a new set of thematic lists. Most notable is a large multi-thematic series, whose first entry is ur5(HAR)-ra : hubullu (short Hh or Ura). The whole series in its canonical version from the late second millennium onwards contained 24 sections, lit. "tablets."

This large fragment in the collection of the Ashmolean Museum contains the tenth "tablet" of this lexical series. The many other manuscripts known to be part of this section help to reconstruct its original content. The tablet had three columns on each side (this can also be determined from the curvature of the edges). Each column was subdivided into two sub-columns with the Sumerian version on the left and the Akkadian equivalent on the right.

The list starts with the entry DUG : karpatu. Entries 1-336 of the list deal with various designations of vessels that are categorised as DUG. As a marginal note one might add the intriguing detail that in the first column of the tablet the sign DUG appears always on the left edge and not, as expected, on the obverse. This might give clues to the nature of DUG as (mute) classifier in this text.

After a section of various different vessels the second larger part of this list in entries 388-510 contains various designations for clay (IM).

CDLI entry: P451706

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 6 (2015-05-02)

Lexical text containing designations for pots and garments dating to the Uruk III period; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1928-445b.

The lexical tradition in Mesopotamia started already in the 4th millennium. The earliest lexical texts in Mesopotamia date to the Uruk IV period and come from the site of Uruk in Southern Mesopotamia. About 15 % of the texts found at Uruk can be classified as lexical texts, i.e., texts that did not serve an administrative purpose (see a list of the lexical texts from Uruk). The larger part of these texts date to the ensuing Uruk III period (ca. 3200-3000 BC). These word lists can be considered the roots of Mesopotamian lexicography. The manuscripts spread all over Mesopotamia and as far as Syria, where we find copies of them in the ED III-period (ca. 2600-2500 BC).

This example in the Ashmolean Museum contains mainly a list of pots and garments dating to the Uruk III period. Between both section occur short groups of entries, which designate soups and sorts of cheese. It is yet not entirely clear, why the categories pots and garments were combined in one composition. Noteworthy is a long list of entries, which contain the complex graphemes composed of the frame sign DUG and inscribed with different kinds of commodities. It is important to emphasise that most of these sign combinations are not attested in contemporary administrative accounts. The purpose of the exhaustive treatment of sign combinations is, in the current state of our knowledge, to exploit the still young proto-cuneiform writing system. The tablet in the collection of the Ashmolean Museum is one of just two lexical texts found in Jemdet Nasr in Northern Babylonia. It demonstrates that in the Uruk III period at the end of the 4th millennium the lexical texts from Uruk started to spread to other places. Just a bit later versions of some of the Urukean word lists are attested in Ur (see a list of the lexical texts from Ur).

Our text is, however, not attested at Ur. We have to wait until around 2600-2500 in the ED IIIa period that a later version of this list of pots and garments reappears in the textual evidence. These later versions copy Urukean lexical texts mostly entry by entry and therefore serve as templates for the reconstruction of the archaic compositions, which are in fact rather fragmentary. It is SF 64, in particular, whose good preservations makes this text so valuable for the reconstruction of earlier versions.

The archaic list of Pots and Garments finally leaves the stage at the beginning of the second millennium. The only known manuscript so far is unfortunately rather fragmentary. But it is, nevertheless, more than just a copy of the list. It adds pronunciation glosses to the entries and therefore provides important phonetic information.

For the next text artefact to be discussed we will move on to a late stage of lexicography in Mesopotamia: the Neo-Babylonian period, and show another list of pots.

CDLI entry: P000713

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 5 (2015-05-01)

Controlling the means of production in the 4th millennium BC; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1926-583.

One of the most significant inscribed objects from ancient Mesopotamia, this text records a large tract of land divided among the important members of society, showing the emerging hierarchization of early complex society. Conventioanlly referred to as the ‘field of the EN’ account, it contains area calculations for six large fields. It has been shown that the scribes prepared this particular distribution of productive land by dividing a grand total into three equal thirds, allotting two to the EN (later Sumerian ‘lord’), and dividing the other third unevenly amongst five high officials. One of these is the EN-SAL, whom some have interpreted as ‘wife of the EN.’ The text provides evidence of the role of scribal administrators in the distribution of resources, thus providing stark textual evidence for the socio-economic stratification of society in the earliest phases of recorded history.

Edition: H. J. Nissen, P. Damerow & R. K. Englund, Archaic Bookkeeping: Writing and Techniques of Economic Administration in the Ancient Near East, Chicago 1993: University of Chicago Press, pp. 55-57.

CDLI entry: P005069

credit: kek

Ashmolean Museum: 4 (2015-04-30)

Wool account of Ur-E'e, ‘chief cattle administrator’ and member of the ruling family of Umma, dating to the Ur III period; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1924-666.

The economic importance of the office of ‘chief cattle administrator’ (Sumerian šuš3) is elucidated from a broken, but still powerful, series of accounts of sheep and goats and their products from the Umma province. These records include SET 130, SET 273, and the top-level account Ashm 1924-666, a wool-account concerning the governor. The third year of Amar-Suen is particularly well documented, since both SET 273 and Ashm 1924-666 covered that year. Both of these accounts dealt with wool, and both belong to the standard type having a “debits” section and a “credits” section. In both accounts, the value of the “debits” surpassed that of the “credits” resulting in a “deficit” recorded just prior to the colophon. One text (SET 273), was a wool account concerning Ur-E’e, a “chief cattle administrator” of the governor of Umma, the other (Ashm 1924-666) a wool account concerning the governor himself. The three first entries of each account (following the “remainder” [si-i3-tum]) are identical. The amount of wool recorded in the account of Ur-E’e is approximately one third of the amount recorded in the account of the governor. The account of the governor is likely to have recorded the entire production of the province, making Ur-E’e and his colleague (presumably En-KAS) responsible for the majority of the Umma wool-production.

Although a crucial section of Ashm 1924-666 is not preserved, and although we are left with only Ur-E’e’s wool-account from that year, it is clear that Ur-E’e and En-KAS shared the responsibility for the largest part of the Umma sheep and goat production.

See J. L. Dahl, The ruling family of Ur III Umma: A Prosopographical Analysis of an Elite Family in Southern Iraq 4000 Years Ago, Leiden 2007: 88-91.

CDLI entry: P142826

credit: jld

Ashmolean Museum: 3 (2015-04-29)

Old Babylonian four-sided prism containing a forerunner to the lexical series Diri; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; Ashm 1923-401.

The Ashmolean Museum houses an astonishing number of four-sided prisms, originally part of the Weld-Blundell collection. This example contains a forerunner to the lexical series Diri and is known as "Diri Oxford". Its continuation (with some parts overlapping) is written on yet another prism (Ashm 1923-400).

This lexical series, whose first entry in the late canonical version reads diri : SI.A : (w)atru, "surpassing," can be considered a complex sign vocabulary giving Sumerian readings for logogram groups. In this respect, it supplements the second major sign syllabary Ea : A : nâqu. In their canonical version the entries in both series follow the same pattern: the first column is reserved for syllabically written sign-readings for logograms (or, in the case of Diri, complex logogram groups), which are given in the second column. In late versions of both lists, a third column contains analytical explanations for the sign(s) used in the second column. A fourth column, finally, provides an Akkadian translation or equivalent. The readings in Diri cannot be directly inferred from the constituents of the logogram groups.

Both prisms in the Ashmolean Museum are "forerunners" inasmuch as, first, no sign-readings are given and, second, the later standardized version differs in respect to the number of entries and their sequence. Given the first observation, the prisms differ from other more or less contemporary sources that provide sign-readings and therefore add this important lexical layer.

CDLI entry: P447992

credit: kw

Ashmolean Museum: 2 (2015-04-28)

Upper half of the first tablet of the Babylonian Epic of Creation, Enuma Elish.

Enuma Elish is a mythological tale describing a power struggle amongst the gods. Often called ‘The Babylonian Creation Epic’, it relates battle and intrigue at the very beginning of the cosmos, with creation of the human world as the end result of a stable universe. The myth describes the rise of Marduk, the only god powerful enough to defeat the armies of the sea-goddess Tiamat, how, through his victory, he becomes the supreme god in the Babylonian pantheon. The bodies of the defeated gods are turned into the basic elements of the new world: underground rivers, the earth, and the sky. Marduk orders his realm by establishing the dwelling places of the gods, determining the courses of the sun and the moon, and regulating the lengths of days. Finally, he creates man: ‘He shall be charged with the service of the gods, so that they may be at ease!’
Tablet I sows the seeds of the conflict. When the god Apsu plots the murder of his rebellious children, the god Ea kills him before he can execute the plan. Marduk is born, a fully-grown and formidable warrior, and Tiamat spawns an army to avenge her dead husband.

The opening lines of the poem (from which it takes its name) are partly preserved on our Ashmolean tablet:
When on high the skies were not yet named,
When below the earth had not been named,
Apsu was supreme, their ancestor,
Tiamat was creator, the mother of all.
The Ashmolean tablet was excavated at Kish in Southern Mesopotamia in 1924 by the 1923-1933 joint expedition of the University of Oxford and the Chicago Field Museum.

Dalley, S., Myths from Mesopotamia, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991.
Foster, B., Before the Muses, Bethesda, Md.: CDL Press, 2005.

Primary publication of this tablet (cuneiform text):
Langdon, S., Oxford Editions of Cuneiform Texts 6, Paris : Librairie orientaliste P. Geuthner, 1927.

CDLI entry: P450752.

credit: lsw

Ashmolean Museum: 1 (2015-04-27)

The Weld-Blundell Prism/The Sumerian King List. From mythical rulers, including Gilgamesh, to historical figures, this document lists an ideologically significant series of Mesopotamian kings.

The Sumerian King List (SKL) is an important chronographic document from ancient Mesopotamia. It lists a long succession of cities in Sumer and its neighboring regions where kingship was invested, the rulers who reigned in those cities, and the length of their reigns. The list starts with the remote mythical past when kingship had descended from heaven. The rulers in the earliest dynasties are described as reigning for fantastically long periods. Some of these rulers, such as Etana, Lugalbanda and Gilgamesh, are mythical or legendary figures known also from Sumerian and Babylonian literary in their royal inscriptions, the length of their reigns becomes more realistic. The King List ends with the reign of a Mesopotamian ruler presumably contemporaneous with the author or redactor of the SKL.

Following is the passage regarding the Old Akkadian period (ca. 2340-2200 BC) (a recently published manuscript dating to the Ur III period exchanges the reigns of Rimush and Man-ishtusu):

In Agade, Sargon, whose father was a gardener, the cupbearer of Ur-Zababa, became king, the king of Agade, who built Agade: he ruled for 56 years. Rimush, the son of Sargon, ruled for 9 years. Man-ishtusu, the older brother of Rimush, the son of Sargon, ruled for 15 years. Naram-Suen, the son of Man-ishtusu, ruled for 56 years. Shar-kali-sharri, the son of Naram-Suen, ruled for 25 years. 157 are the years of the dynasty of Sargon. Then who was king? Who was not king?

See: Jacobsen, Thorkild. 1939. The Sumerian King List. AS 11. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

CDLI entry: P384786
cdli:wiki entry: Sumerian King List
ETCSL: Translation

credit: syc

Manchester Museum: 15 (2015-04-26)

Neo-Assyrian legal text; Manchester Museum, University of Manchester; MMUM 35460.

The Neo-Assyrian period (ca. 911-612 BC) is best best portrayed by the huge amounts of Assyrian reliefs depicting the kings and their deeds. Other pillars of our knowledge of the Neo-Assyrian period are the "State Archives" of Assyria and of course the scholarly transmission of literary and lexical texts, omens, medical and magical compendia in the vast Kuyuncik collection of Nineveh, which is mainly owed to the last powerful king Ashurbanipal (and maybe his predecessor Esarhaddon).

This document in the Manchester University Museum is a legal document dating to this - in terms of textual and archeological data - rich period. This kind of tablet shape is well documented in this period and can be also found on texts in the Kuyuncik collection (now in the British Museum). An example is K 318a, which is in fact an envelope that has been sealed - as our example - with three stamp seals. A further example is K 313. The documents start with identifying the seal - either cylinder seal, stamp seal or impressions of finger nail marks. In our case it is the seal of an individual named Ha-za-a-a-an.

Identifying obverse and reverse of these documents can be difficult. One expects the seal impression on the reverse. The case is clear after the important date formula is identified, which normally is expected at the end of the document. Neo-Assyrian documents use eponyms to date documents. On the left edge there is additionally a personal name written in Aramaic.

CDLI entry: P432454

credit: kw

Manchester Museum: 14 (2015-04-25)

Fragment of a letter dating to the Old Assyrian period; Manchester Museum, University of Manchester; MMUM 35416.

The collection of the Manchester University Museum keeps a couple of texts dating to the Old Assyrian period (ca. 1950-1850 BC). Yesterday's text artefact was an envelope that probably can be dated to the same period. There are no complete Old Assyrian texts in the collection, but some fragments.

Among these fragmentary tablets is this example containing a letter. Unfortunately, just the upper half of the tablet is preserved. Old Assyrian letters use an easily recognisable tablet shape. For a complete example see a letter in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. These letters originate mainly from the merchants' settlement in Kanesh, the modern site of Kültepe in central Anatolia. There, 22,000 texts were discovered. Further texts dating to this period and showing similar physical characteristics come from smaller sites in Anatolia.

The bulk of the Old Assyrian texts from Kültepe does not originate from archaeological diggings. Therefore, they lack important stratigraphic information. Many collections bought tablets on the antiquities market, and hence Old Assyrian texts and fragments are nowadays rather dispersed. A major collection of tablets - letters in particular - are nowadays kept in the Louvre Museum in Paris.

The body of the letters starts directly after the address. It does not contain any blessing so commonly known from the slightly later Old Babylonian correspondence.

CDLI entry: P431268

credit: kw

Manchester Museum: 13 (2015-04-24)

Clay envelope dating to the Old Assyrian period; Manchester Museum, University of Manchester; MMUM 35427.

Business documents were frequently clad into clay envelopes in order to protect the tablet inside against any manipulation. Sometimes the content of the enclosed document is repeated (at least in abbreviated form) on the outer surface of the envelope. If there is any suspicion about the validity of the legal transaction, they envelope could be broken and the original be verified. Envelopes often bear seals.

This example in the Manchester University Museum dates to the Old Assyrian period (ca. 1950-1850 BC). The collection keeps a couple of text artefacts dating to this period. Broken envelopes as this one were often discarded after being opened. Hence the original tablet enclosed in this envelope is, so far, not known (and the text that can be seen in the positive impression on the inside of the envelope is too fragmentary for a sound identification.

Remarkable are the two preserved seal impressions, one showing a contest scene (referring back to Early Dynastic models), the other showing a couchant bull supporting an object (probably not the "winged gate" known from Old Akkadian seals, but maybe a kind of altar). Before that bull men are falling from an equid that is depicted above them. This scene is separated by a snake-like divider from another scene showing, most likely, individuals bringing offerings before a deity(?).

CDLI entry: P431279

credit: kw

Manchester Museum: 12 (2015-04-23)

Old Babylonian legal text; Manchester Museum, University of Manchester.

This small document dating to the Old Babylonian period (ca. 1900-1600 BC) contains a receipt for barley (edition: Szlechter, Tablettes juridiques et administratives, pp. 94f.). Two harvesters (Hurussu and Belšunu) received 270 liters of barley. In the first two lines their respective shares are noted. The verb is given in Sumerian (šu-ba-an-ti-e-meš): "they received." They testified this receipt by impressing their respective seals. Their seals are labelled on the left edge.

The text dates to the 10th year of Ammi-saduqa. Before the witnesses and the date the text ends with the legal clause u2-ul i-il-la-ku-ma / ki-ma s,i-im-da-at šar-ri, "if they don't come, (then the penalty is according) to the royal decree."

CDLI entry: P315369

credit: kw

Manchester Museum: 11 (2015-04-22)

Old Babylonian sale contract; Manchester Museum, University of Manchester.

This document dating to the 21st year of the Old Babylonian king Ammi-ditana contains a sale contract (edition: Szlechter, Tablettes juridiques et administratives, pp. 48ff.). It contains two items: (1) six sheep (value: 18 2/3 shekel of silver) and (2) two oxen (value: 24 shekel of silver). These animals are the igisû-offering for the first and seventh month. They belong to the herald of Inana-of-Uruk and constitute the levy (nemettum) owed to a certain Nanaya-ibnišu.

Noteworthy is the following clause in the text: "He will give his calculation to PN, when PN inspects and buys(?) the cattle and sheep, PN2 will step up and pay the silver, his calculation, he will pay the silver for the rations of the sukkallu and the tax collector for his calculation."

CDLI entry: P315365

credit: kw

Manchester Museum: 10 (2015-04-21)

Old Babylonian legal text concerning the division of inheritance; Manchester Museum, University of Manchester; MMUM 35392.

This is another example of the Old Babylonian legal texts kept in the Manchester University Museum (edition: Szlechter, Tablettes juridiques et administratives, pp. 10ff.). The text dates to the 33rd year of Ammi-ditana. The date is given on the top edge of the tablet following a long list of witnesses.

The main section of the text testifying the legal act is indented, leaving space for the impression of a cylinder seal in the left third of the obverse and the reverse. This was done in order to keep the seal legend visible and therefore authenticate the document properly. In fact, the whole surface of the tablet is sealed.

The text is about the share of inheritance. It starts with twp properties of land, one in the area of Habus. This location is known, among others, from several letters from the Kish area. A part of this corpus is in the John Rylands Library in Manchester and was edited by Kraus in AbB 10. Another, larger, lot of letters in the British Museum is currently being prepared for publication by John Nicholas Reid and Klaus Wagensonner. Besides the two properties the inheritance included two slaves and a certain amount of gold as well.

Unfortunately the middle part of the text is broken away. On the reverse it is stated that there is not to be put claim against the sister of the inheritors, who is identified as naditum-priestess of Marduk in Babylon. This mention led Szlechter to the assumption that the document might originate from Babylon. Nevertheless, regarding the clauses used for the inheritance share, he concluded that this tablet in fact originates from Kish, and this confirms the provenience of the letters mentioned above.

CDLI entry: P315372

credit: kw

Manchester Museum: 9 (2015-04-20)

Old Babylonian legal text concerning the lease of land; Manchester Museum, University of Manchester; MMUM 35400.

This is another of the quite substantial number of legal and judicial documents dating to the Old Babylonian period (ca. 1900-1600 BC) and kept in the Manchester University Museum. The state of preservation of this tablet is quite good. Though sometimes faint, the whole surface is sealed. As was common practice, the seal legend was featured predominantly, while its figurative scene on the seal was of less importance. The space before the date formula at the bottom of the reverse was left empty in order to carry the whole seal legend without being obstructed by text. There is no area on the tablet (not even on the left edge), where the whole seal was impressed. Even there the seal legend predominates. (For another example see P264844).

The document dates to the 31st year of the Old Babylonian king Ammi-ditana (edition: Szlechter, Tablettes juridiques et administratives, pp. 62ff.) The date formula starts at the bottom of the reverse mentioned month, day, and finally the year name, which extends towards the top edge. The document concerns tenant farming. It states that 30 acres of arable land, which are in the possession of the naditum-priestess Dan-erissa, are leased by Rish-Marduk in order to cultivate them. The rent for one year will be measured out at the gate of the gagûm.

The collection contains several of such lease documents. Another well preserved example is P315378, which dates to the 14th year of Ammi-saduqa and concerns 30 acres of land as well.

CDLI entry: P315350

credit: kw

Manchester Museum: 8 (2015-04-19)

Lexical text containing designations for trees; Manchester Museum, University of Manchester.

The Old Babylonian period (ca. 1900-1600 BC) is one of the major epochs in the emergence of lexical lists in Mesopotamia. The earliest lexical tradition goes back to the end of the 4th millennium. The (mostly thematic) lists compiled in southern Uruk were to a great extent meticulously transmitted throughout the 3rd millennium and even into the 2nd. Nevertheless, in this long time span “new” lists emerged, some of them thematic, others containing entries whose arrangement followed graphical characteristics.

The major thematic series that emerged in the Old Babylonian period is a series whose first entry reads ur5-ra : ḫubullum. In its late stage, this multi-thematic series consisted of 24 tablets containing several thousand Sumerian terms together with their Akkadian equivalents.

The main evidence for the early stages of this series originates from Nippur and to a great extent from the school tradition. In fact, the huge numbers of school tablets found in several (private) houses in Nippur’s residential quarters (foremost the so-called “House F”) served to reconstruct the “Nippurean” school curriculum. Besides copying lexical texts, an apprentice’s duty also was to master his skills in copying more complex, literary texts.

This large tablet in the Manchester University Museum contains a long list of trees and wooden objects, and can be identified as a forerunner to the third tablet of ur5-ra : ḫubullum. It dates to the Old Babylonian period and seems to originate from a school milieu. The columns—sa far as the are preserved—are not spaced very carefully. There is just one column of text on the reverse. The remaining space is already divided into columns, hence prepared to be filled with further entries.

CDLI entry: P432448

credit: kw

Manchester Museum: 7 (2015-04-18)

Administrative text dating to the Ur III period; Manchester Museum, University of Manchester, MMUM 35469.

This administrative account originates from the rich documentation of Umma. Thanks to its year-name, the text can be dated to the second year of the king Šu-Suen. It records a quite substantial number of boating implements. First, it accounts for 790 gešumbin ma2. The Sumerian word umbin generally means finger or toe nail, but in this context it designates a part of the boat (possible the planks). The second group of items listed is surely destined for the construction of a boat. In this instance, 59,290 wooden nails are issued. This is a number unparalleled in the corpus. Another document (MVN 16, 834) mentions 18,000 of the same sort of nails.

The early publication of this tablet completely ignored the seal impression covering most of its surface. In many text publications, even of later date, just the legend on the text was impressed, something like current letter-heads used in official correspondence. The impression on the reverse shows that it was important to Babylonian scribes that the legend remain clearly visible. This particular seal, belonging to a certain Ur-Nungal, is well-known in the Ur III period. Another and more complete impression of the same seal can be found on several texts in the John Rylands Library, also in Manchester. The example shown here to the lower right is JRL 872, a pyramidal-shaped clay label. Its “base” was sealed with the same cylinder seal. Texts like these help to reconstruct partial or partly preserved seal impressions (of this particular seal, some 44 artifact witnesses are currently known in the CDLI files, a further 172 with a slightly different writing of the final line).

CDLI entry: P112293

credit: kw

Manchester Museum: 6 (2015-04-17)

Old Babylonian legal text concerning the exchange of houses; Manchester Museum, University of Manchester.

This legal text in the Manchester University Museum dates to the 23rd year of Samsu-iluna in the Old Babylonian period (ca. 1900-1600 BC). The text records the exchange of two finished houses (e2 du3-a). The location of the first house is given by providing information about adjacent buildings. The front side lies on “broad street” (line 4: sila dagal-la). This house is exchanged for a slightly larger one belonging to the entum priestess of the god Zababa.

Intriguing is the mention that “by directive of the king” (ina qabê šarrim) three individuals (among them the mayor [Akk. rabiānum] of Kish and a certain Munawwirum, who might be identical with a well-known individual in Kishite letters) would transfer the property.

The text closes with a long list of witnesses, a common feature of such texts, and a date formula (edition: Szlechter, Tablettes juridiques et administratives, pp. 53ff.)

CDLI entry: P315377

credit: kw

Manchester Museum: 5 (2015-04-16)

Middle Assyrian letter; Manchester Museum, University of Manchester; MMUM 35346.

The Manchester University Museum keeps a couple of letters that date to the Middle Assyrian period (ca. 1400-1000 BC). The full corpus of letters dating to this period is not large. In a recent survey, Jaume Llop (AuOr 30 [2012]) presents an updated list of 238 published and unpublished texts originating primarily from the political centers Assur and Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta. Others come from such provincial centers in the kingdom as Tell Sheh Hamad and Tell Chuera.

This kind of tablet shape, with its square outline and slightly rounded corners, was already known in the Old Babylonian period, where it was—though rarely—used for letters as well (see, e.g., P385540). This format differs substantially from common rectangular tablets (for an example, see yesterday’s text).

Middle Assyrian letters, however, exhibit some intriguing differences. Although the address formula follows older examples (“To so-and-so speak, thus so-and-so”), in letters of the late 2nd millennium BC the address is separated from the body of the letter by a lined ruling. This kind of text separation can be also observed in the Middle Babylonian correspondence found in Amarna in Egypt. Letters of the Middle Assyrian period, as this example in Manchester, may contain a date. Another feature found quite frequently in this corpus is the indentation of lines in the area of the lower left corner.

This well-preserved example originates from Assur (excavation no. Ass. 14410; see Llop, AuOr 30 [2012] no. 45). It belongs to the archive of Babu-aḫa-iddina mentioned in our text. The letter is addressed to two individuals named Assur-bela-šallim and [Assur]-zuquppani by a certain Nabu-belu-da’iq. The text can be classified as a letter order and belongs therefore to the larger group of official correspondence.

As the sender of letter indicates, he writes on behalf of Babu-aḫa-iddina. He requests a report about the available wax (gaba-lal3; edition: Freydank & Saporetti, Babu-aḫa-iddina. Die Texte, 74, MCS 2, 14 2). A new edition and commentary including hand-copy is forthcoming (K. Wagensonner, CDLN 2014:013).

CDLI entry: P431253

credit: kw

Manchester Museum: 4 (2015-04-15)

Old Babylonian letter; Manchester Museum, University of Manchester; MMUM 35413.

The John Rylands Library houses a substantial set of Old Babylonian (ca. 1900-1600 BC) letters, but only a negligible number of Old Babylonian administrative and legal texts. The collection of the Manchester University Museum, on the other hand, has a relatively large number of administrative texts dating to the early 2nd millennium. This text is one of the few letters in the Manchester Museum dating to the Old Babylonian period.

In this letter the sender, a certain Marduk-ḫazir complains about the lack of the addressee’s support. Obviously,transfer it to other, more capable hands so that it could be properly tended (see the edition in Kraus, AbB 10, no. 52):

Regarding the management of the field and of the requirements about which my servant Apil-ilišu asked you, don’t be negligent! Cultivate the field ... and use (its harvest). Or give it over to other hands, in order that it may be cultivated!

CDLI entry: P431267

credit: kw

Manchester Museum: 3 (2015-04-14)

Rectangular stone prism containing an Old Babylonian royal inscription; Manchester Museum, University of Manchester; MMUM 35447.

Among the text artifacts in the Manchester University Museum is this rectangular prism fashioned out of limestone. The inscription is nicely carved into the stone and follows the conventions of those on clay tablets. This can be seen on the left surface that imitates the direction of the script with lines turned 90 degrees.

The inscription is certainly royal. Although we know the use of archaizing sign forms from later royal inscriptions, the sign-forms in this text may favor an Old Babylonian date (ca. 1900-1600 BC). The text of the “left edge” appears to be divided into two columns. Unfortunately, the surface is quite worn out. Nevertheless, short passages can be understood. Thus, we find an interesting reference to the Old Babylonian king Abi-ešuḫ. The passage reads provisionally: “Abi-ešuḫ brought them to fall with the weapon up to three times" (left edge, i:2-5: a-bi-e-šu-uh ... / a-di ša-la-ši-šu / in ka-ak-ki-im / u2-ša-/am-qi2\-is?-su-nu-ti).

Despite a long reign of 28 years, just two inscriptions are thus far known that can be directly assigned to this king. Alternatively, and since large portions of the text are lost, the text might just refer back to his reign.

CDLI entry: P432449

credit: kw

Manchester Museum: 2 (2015-04-13)

Late Babylonian šu-il2-la for Marduk; Manchester Museum, University of Manchester; MMUM 35412.

In 1952, Fish published a hand-copy of this text (see Fish, MCS 2, 61f.) as a hymn to the god Marduk. In the next issue of the Manchester Cuneiform Studies, the Sumerologist Adam Falkenstein drew attention to the duplicates already published by Weissbach in his Miscellen, plts. 13-14. In his hand-copy, Fish omitted most of the text on the reverse, remarking that the “reverse is hardly legible,” just the composition’s subscript and the colophon.

Following the CDLI’s imaging mission to the Manchester University Museum, it is now clear that the reverse is by no means in such a bad condition. The text fits well to the remaining manuscripts of this type of composition.

The text is a late bilingual Sumerian-Akkadian prayer of the šu-il2-la-type that was used in public worship (see, for a discussion and edition, Jerrold S. Cooper, “A Sumerian šu-íl-la from Nimrud with a prayer for Sin-szar-iškun,” Iraq 32 [1970] 51-67). Basically, it contains a list of cities, temples and deities, followed by a refrain. The Sumerian mostly uses the so-called Emesal-dialect attested in other prayers. Beyond our Manchester text, now to be considered one of the better preserved examplars, four further manuscripts are known, among others K 4933 in the Kuyunjik collection of the British Museum.

CDLI entry: P432447

credit: kw

Manchester Museum: 1 (2015-04-12)

Six-column tablet with Sumerian liturgical text dating to the Old Babylonian period, Manchester Museum, University of Manchester; MMUM 35516.

The museum collection of the Manchester University Museum contains roughly 200 cuneiform artifacts, of which a great percentage are Old Babylonian legal and administrative documents.

Among the few literary texts in the collection, one tablet stands out. It is a unique, well-preserved tablet with six columns of text containing a Sumerian literary composition. Although the provenience of this tablet is unknown, it certainly can be dated to the Old Babylonian period (ca. 1900-1600 BC), a major period for the compilation and transmission of Sumerian literature.

The composition is sub-divided into stanzas. Following Bendt Alster’s discussion of the text these coincide with the shift of speakers (for an edition and study see B. Alster, “The Manchester Tammuz,” ASJ 14 [1992] 1ff.). The main players are the goddess Inanna, her spouse Dumuzi, and their audience.

The composition can be regarded as an accumulation of songs that might originally have been independent texts. Compilation tablets (German Sammeltafeln) are quite common in the Old Babylonian period. VAT 7025 in the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin, is another example with tablet contains four Sumerian literary compositions.

CDLI entry: P355698

credit: kw

National Museums Scotland: 17 (2015-04-06)

Old Babylonian receipt of loan of barley; National Museums Scotland, Edinburgh; NMS A.1911.203.28.

The National Museums Scotland contains an interesting group of Old Babylonian administrative texts, which date to the reign of Manana and probably originate from Kish. Many of these documents deal with the property of a certain Shumshunu-watar.

In this receipt Shumshunu-watar lends one kor of barley to a certain Ishme-Sîn, whose seal is also impressed on the surfaces of the tablet. A very similar document is the unpublished text BM 103194 (to be published by J. N. Reid and K. Wagensonner), which dates to the same month and year.

CDLI entry: P453221

credit: kw

National Museums Scotland: 16 (2015-04-05)

Neo-Babylonian record about a legal case; National Museums Scotland, Edinburgh; NMS A.1909.405.22.

In the Neo-Babylonian period (ca. 626-539 BC) the dowry was handed over to the groom at the time of marriage. This property rests with the husband, who was responsible for maintaining its value. If he died, it would secure the widow's future.

The well-preserved text in the National Museums Scotland the heir of the deceased husband acts in the interest of two dowries, that of his father's widow and that of his own wife. The former is the claimant of the dowry. She claims that the son and heir of her husband did not give her the dowry, which entered the property when she married his father. The heir Bel-apla-iddina states before the judge that his father never received the full amount of dowry and that he is unable to repay both dowries. As a husband he has usufruct on his wife's dowry.

The possessions of the heir's father are being re-evaluated and the court decides that both the heir's mother-in-law as well as his wife shall be fully paid for their dowries. The document contains an interesting clause, which prevents any creditors to lay claim onto the amount of money given to the two women.

CDLI entry: P453149

credit: kw

National Museums Scotland: 15 (2015-04-04)

Achaemenid legal text about a field; National Museums Scotland, Edinburgh; NMS A.1909.405.23.

The Neo-Babylonian period (ca. 626-539 BC) is characterised by a dense documentation, which equals in terms of concentration and amount the Ur III period (ca. 2100-2000 BC). Most of our documentation derives from institutional archives like the temple archive of the Ebabbar temple in Sippar (with approx. 35,000 texts) or the Eanna temple (with approx. 8,000 texts) in Uruk (for overviews see M. Jursa, Neo-Babylonian Legal and Administrative Documents. Typology, Contents and Archives, 2005 and Aspects of the Economic History of Babylonia in the First Millennium BC, 2010).

The largest private archive from the Neo-Babylonian and subsequent Achaemenid period (547-331 BC) is the Egibi family archive. So far approx. 1,700 texts can be assigned to this family of entrepreneurs spanning over five generations. This archive has been thoroughly studied by C. Wunsch (Das Egibi-Archiv, 2000).

This legal document in the collection of the National Museums Scotland witnesses the purchase of a plot of land. This perfectly preserved tablet is a duplicate to a tablet now in the British Museum (BM 32180+33125; published in Wunsch, op.cit., no. 199A). Since the latter has some damaged areas, the Edinburgh tablet, though with minor variations, helps to better understand the whole transaction.

This plot of land was in the possession of a certain Bēl-ēṭir of the family of Nūr-Sîn and was bought by Marduk-nāṣir-apli of the Egibi-family. The latter belongs to the fourth generation in the archive. This individual is also known as Širku in the respective texts.

As a general characteristic of such sale contracts (which is already attested in the Old Babylonian period) such documents start with a description of the plot of land. In this case we are dealing with a certain area of plantation outside of the city. The plot of land is not just a barren land, but is cultivated with date palms. It is situated opposite of the Ishtar gate in Babylon at the river arm of the old Kutha-canal. This general description of the characteristics of the plot is followed by a geographical location (lines 4-10). The sequence is always the same: (1) upper long side in the north, (2) lower long side in the south, (3) upper short side in the west, and (4) lower short side in the east.

The document was issued in Babylon on the 12th day of the first month Nisannu in the third year of Dareios (i.e., 3 March 519 BC): TIN.TIR{ki} ITI.BARA2 / UD.12.KAM MU.3.KAM {m}da-ri-ia-muš / LUGAL TIN.TIR{ki} LUGAL KUR.KUR. The date formula is followed, among others, by the remark ṣupur Bēl-ēṭir nādin eqli, "fingernail (mark) of Bēl-ēṭir, the one who gives the field." The fingernail marks are visible on the top and bottom edges of the tablet. Left and right edges bear the impression of the cylinder seal, whose label assigns this seal to the scribe Arad-Marduk. The seal shows a standing figure standing before two pedestals with divine symbols.

CDLI entry: P453151

credit: kw

National Museums Scotland: 14 (2015-04-03)

Clay barrel-cylinder with royal inscription by the Neo-Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar II; National Museums Scotland, Edinburgh, NMS A.1909.482; John Rylands Library, Manchester, JRL 1095.

By the far the greatest amount of royal or monumental inscriptions from the Neo-Babylonian period (ca. 626-539 BC) can be assigned to the ruler Nabuchadnezzar II (605-562 BC) (see R. Da Riva, The Neo-Babylonian Royal Inscriptions. An Introduction, 2008).

This clay barrel-cylinder in the National Museums Scotland contains a royal inscription that is known from several similar examples, so, for instance, another barrel in the John Rylands Library, Manchester, which is presented on the right-hand side. Both inscriptions are, except for minor variations in orthography, identical (see the edition for the latter F.N.H. Al-Rawi, Iraq 62 [2000], No. 77; for a full translation see ibid., No. 74). The text is inscribed in two columns and commemorates the rebuilding of the Ebabbar-temple in Sippar (lines 1-10):

I, Nebuchadnezzar, (...) built anew the Ebabbar, the temple of Šamaš, in the midst of Sippar, for Šamaš, the lord who prolongs my days.

In what follows the king invokes the sun-god:

O Šamaš, my great lord, look gladly on my works with favour and grant me as a gift life unto faraway days, ripe old age, security of throne and a long reign!

The king not just prays for his own sake, but also for the sake of his children and his dynasty:

May my descendants keep multiplying in kingship, may they be secure in the land.

The inscription ends with the wish:

Just as the bricks of Ebabbar are secure for ever, let my years lengthen unto everlasting days.

The same commemorative text has also been inscribed on bricks. Such an example is in the John Rylands Library as well (JRL 1092; see the edition in Al-Rawi, op.cit., No. 74).

CDLI entry: P453135

credit: kw

National Museums Scotland: 13 (2015-04-02)

A large Ur III account of laborers; National Museums Scotland, Edinburgh; NMS A.1907.690.65+75

This tablet consisting of two joined pieces in the National Museums Scotland contains a large, fourteen-column administrative text from the Ur III period (ca. 2100-2000). The upper half of the obverse and the lower half of the reverse are missing. The account, like others from the same period, deals with work performed for the house of the king, Amar-Suen (e2 damar-dsuen). This third king of the Ur III dynasty succeeded his father Šulgi, ruling for nine years. Unlike the founder of the dynasty Ur-Namma who was deified following his death, or the second dynast Šulgi, deified after an important event during his reign, Amar-Suen is the first king to have the divine determinative placed before his name at the time of his ascension to the throne. After Amar-Suen, deification was apparently an accepted part of monarchic succession. Despite the bold claim of divine kingship, Amar-Suen was known in later literary compositions as a weak king. Whether he was in fact powerless, or the victim of contrasts being made to highlight the strength of Šulgi, is unknown (see P. Michalowski, “Amar-Su’ena and the Historical Tradition,” in M. de Jong Ellis, ed., Fs. Finkelstein [1977] 155-157).

This tablet, to be published by J. N. Reid, deals with a variety of workers. Like other texts, the account records workers present, missing (nu) and dead (2). Some of the workers have been dedicated to temple households (a-ru-a). The preserved part of the final column contains the following sub-total:

together: 14 male laborers (Sumerian guruš) at 1 barig (ca. 60 liters of grain) each;
together: 2 male laborers at 5 ban2 (ca. 50 liters of grain) each,
together: 24 male laborers at 4 ban2 (ca. 40 liters of grain) each,
together: 2 female laborers at 3 ban2 (ca. 30 liters of grain) each,
together: 1 child laborer at 2 ban2 (ca. 20 liters of grain),
together: 1 child laborer at 1 ban2 (ca. 10 liters of grain),
are the nudaba laborers;
together: 2 male laborers at 1 barig (ca. 60 liters of grain) each,
together: 1 male laborer at 5 ban2 (ca. 50 liters of grain),
are the dead laborers;

(they are of) the household of Amar-Suen.

A similar but larger total of a different household can be found in the second column of the reverse (e2 dnin-marki, demonstrating that the text originated in Girsu). The administrators divided the workers according to the designations nu-dab5-ba-me (ones who have not been seized) and the ba-uš2-me (in most cases to be translated as deceased workers). The best parallel to this large account found in the published Ur III corpus appears to be another joined UK artifact recently presented in cdli tablet by Oxford postdoctoral associate K. Wagensonner, the British Museum & Rylands Library account CST 881+ (app entry: 2013-06-26). Unfortunately, the date of our text would have been located in the missing half of the final column of the reverse, but it would most likely have derived from the reign of Amar-Suen. How these royal households were constituted in Girsu during the reign of individual monarchs—no small task given the conservative nature of provincial politics economies under rule from southern Ur—is a topic for future research.

CDLI entry: P453060

credit: jnr

National Museums Scotland: 12 (2015-04-01)

Old Babylonian legal text with fragments of an envelope; National Museums Scotland, Edinburgh; NMS A.1909.405.28.

This well-preserved legal text in the National Museums Scotland dates to the Old Babylonian period (ca. 1900-1600 BC) probably into the reign of Sabium (the date is broken, but prosopographical data allows to narrow down a date; see S. Dalley, A catalogue of the Akkadian cuneiform tablets in the collections of the Royal Scottish Museum, Edinburgh, with copies of the texts, 1979). It contains a record of the division of inheritance by three sons after the death of their mother.

The document itself is not sealed. It was originally enclosed within a clay envelope containing probably an abbreviated version of its content. Not much is left of this envelope, except for three small fragments. On their "inner" side they still have the positive impression of the clay tablet preserved. Thanks to this impression it is possible to re-join the fragments and locate their original place (outlined on the image next to a horizontally mirrored and sharpened image of the inner sides of the fragments).

A more complete example is a legal document in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, from the Old Babylonian archive of Mannum-mešu-liṣṣur, which attests to the guardianship of a statue. The envelope, which is in this case much better preserved, contains a copy of the text inside. If there were any suspicion of fraud or manipulation, the keeper of the tablet could break open the envelope and check the tablet inside. As a further security measurement the envelope was sealed. Different to the tablet in Edinburgh, which presents another legal case, also the enclosed tablet bears a seal impressions. It is certain that the envelope of the Edinburgh tablet was sealed as well. The fragments, however, are too small to attest to traces of a seal.

CDLI entry: P453133

credit: kw

National Museums Scotland: 11 (2015-03-31)

Old Babylonian letter with a reference to archiving; National Museums Scotland, Edinburgh; NMS A.1909.405.5.

Thousands of letters dating to the Old Babylonian period (ca. 1900-1600 BC) are known so far. A great percentage of these letters, except for those originating from the site of Mari on the Middle Euphrates, were edited in the series Altbabylonische Briefe (AbB) initiated by F. R. Kraus.

Old Babylonian letters comprise an amazing repository of daily communications between individuals. Unfortunately, the texts just in rare cases identify the individuals involved by giving occupations or titles. This may pose great problems for a proper identification of individuals carrying rather common names as, for instance, Marduk-naṣir. In many of such cases a prosopography of further individuals attested in the respective text as well as place names may limit the possibilities. Often, individuals can be identified by studying contemporary legal and administrative documents, which frequently provide more information.

This Old Babylonian letter (edited by F. R. Kraus as AbB 10, no. 148) deals with the rights to a field. A decision was to be made and the sender of the text states that “when I went from Nippur to Babylon, I didn’t give you my definite decision, (since I thought) I would return to Nippur in the seventh month.” He urges the addressee not to become negligent regarding the irrigation of the fields, a common topic in Old Babylonian letters. He insists that there may be no waste land. The topographical designations given in this area may situate this letter in the area of Sippar.

Noteworthy is the last sentence of the letter, in which the sender where the letter should be kept. He orders: “(His) being the trustee of my (i.e., the sender’s) word and testimony of my cause, you will store this tablet with Lu-Enlila!”

CDLI entry: P453066

credit: kw

National Museums Scotland: 10 (2015-03-30)

Old Assyrian letter consisting of “mother and child”; National Museums Scotland, Edinburgh; NMS A.1963.243 and 244.

Many tablets survived from the communications of the Old Assyrian merchants doing business in the commercial settlement of kārum Kanesh in Central Anatolia. Their letters, sent and received to or from places within Anatolia or the capital Assur, are the first substantial Akkadian epistolary corpus in the 2nd millennium BC. The texts make use of a simplified syllabary using approximately 100 signs—much easier for a trader class to master than the 600-1000 signs required in more scholarly texts.

Letters were normally wrapped in an outer clay covering before they were sent off. These envelopes were sealed. Frequently, besides information about sender and addressee, they contain a review of the content expressed in their enclosed tablets. In contrast to other periods, Old Assyrian scribes occasionally placed two tablets in one envelope: a main tablet bearing the greater part of the text, and, where the space on the main tablet was not sufficient, a second, smaller tablet, as here in concave form with the main tablet resting against its reverse, uninscribed surface. These two artifacts may conveniently be called “mother and child.”

We unfortunately do not have the envelope of this particular text, nor is it entirely clear from the visible traces on the reverse whether the “child” tablet is really a continuation of the text of this “mother” tablet. A similar, but complete, example is CTMMA 1, 78, in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York. In contrast to that example, the smaller tablet RSM A.1963.244 is addressed to a different individual, thus is in fact a separate document.

CDLI entries: P361615-6

credit: kw

National Museums Scotland: 9 (2015-03-29)

Debt-note and its sealed envelope dating to the Old Assyrian period; National Museums Scotland, Edinburgh; NMS A.1909.586.

Approximately 23,000 tablets and fragments are known from the Old Assyrian merchants' colony at the Central Anatolian site of Kanesh. Despite the distance between Kanesh and the central power in Assur, a five-weeks journey, the latter was always the authority. Letters sent from Assur indicate that something needs to be done "in accordance with the orders of the City Assembly."

Letters make up a high percentage of the available documentation. Next in line are legal documents, a group of texts that itself can be subdivided into various types of documents. In yesterday's post a verdict from the City Assembly was presented. This document in the National Museums Scotland is a debt-note. Debt-notes belong to contracts. Other types of these are service contracts with personnel, transport contracts, contracts on settling accounts, and quittances.

Nowadays we know hundreds of such debt-notes. Some of them record true loans. Nevertheless, most of them involve financial liabilities resulting from credit sale or commission. These documents are formulated from the point of view of the creditor. Therefore, they frequently use the phrase iṣṣēr PN īšû, the creditor "has a claim on the debtor (PN)." The claim of this debt-note are fifteen minas of tin (see K. R. Veenhof & J. Eidem, Mesopotamia. The Old Assyrian Period. Annäherungen 5 [2008], 51). Such debt-notes are normally dated after phases of the agricultural year or by festivals. This suggests that by that time a calendar with month-names has not been established in Anatolia yet. The festivals and moments of the agricultural year mentioned figure as due dates for the payments (see Veenhof & Eidem, op.cit., 234). Once the debt was paid, the note was either destroyed or returned to the debtor.

Legal documents were put into clay envelopes. Many complete examples survived. The content of the tablet was repeated on the surface of the envelope. Additionally the participating parties rolled their seal over the surface in order to authenticate the legal document. Our document contains the impressions and labels of three cylinder seals.

CDLI entry: P361609

credit: kw

National Museums Scotland: 8 (2015-03-28)

Old Assyrian verdict; National Museums Scotland, Edinburgh; NMS A.1909.585.

The houses of the merchants at the Central Anatolian site of Kanesh yielded a great amount of cuneiform tablets. This period in the early centuries of the 2nd millennium BC is called Old Assyrian period (ca. 1950-1850 BC). The traders' houses are located in the commercial district of the lower town, which is called kârum Kanesh. The private archives of the merchants ended by destruction around 1835 BC. This important commercial center is now known as the administrative capital of a colonial network that consisted of about 30 settlements (see Veenhof, "The Archives of Old Assyrian Traiders: their Nature, Functions and Use," in: Faraguna (ed) Archives and archival documents in ancient societies, Triest [2013], 27ff.). The archives in Kanesh alone yielded more than 23,000 documents, most of which were unearthed by the local villagers and sold, before official excavations had been conducted.

The available documentation can be classified in letters, legal documents and lists such as memoranda and notes. This tablet with its envelope in the National Museums Scotland belong to the second group, which itself contains many subtypes of documents. It starts with the well-attested expression âlum dînam idînma, "the City (i.e., Assur) rendered a verdict." Verdicts must not be issued by the central power, in this case Assur's city assembly, which is referred to as the "City." We have also plenty of cases, where the kârum itself rendered the verdict. In such cases the envelope carries the seal of the respective commercial settlement.

Our text goes on stating that a certain Kukulanum is entitled to engage an attorney (râbisam ehhaz) in order to clear an individual named Aguza, who is the trading agent of his father, from claims. The kârum will be the executive arm of the attorney (emûq râbisi).
The verdict was clad in clay. Luckily we still have the clay envelope completely preserved. As indicated in the first line, it bears the seal of the waklum, the Assyrian ruler (see Eppihimer, JNES 72 [2013]). Such texts give clues about the ruler's involvement in Anatolian matters. A common and rather convenient feature of legal documents is the fact that the contents were repeated on the envelope. Had there been any suspicion of tempering with the content of the document, the envelope could have been opened and its contents checked.

The text on the envelope does show variants. Noteworthy is the variant in the first sentence of the verdict. Instead of the above-mentioned statement that Kukulanum is entitled to engage an attorney, the envelope states that he is entitled to "send" (išappar) him.

The seal used was the seal of the Old Assyrian ruler Sargon, not to be confused with the first ruler of the Old Akkadian period (see Eppihimer, op.cit., 37, fig. 3 and 38, fig. 5). The Old Assyrian ruler seal shows an introduction scene and bears a seal legend. This seal legend includes the ruler's name, his title (iššiak Aššur) and a patronym, which links the respective ruler to his predecessor. As has been shown recently the introduction scene and the way the inscription is presented reflect earlier models of the end of the 3rd millennium BC.

CDLI entry: P390710

credit: kw

National Museums Scotland: 7 (2015-03-27)

Sumerian song of praise dating to the Old Babylonian period; National Museums Scotland, Edinburgh; NMS A.1909.405.27 (+ ?) Louvre Museum, Paris, AO 3925

This composition is so far the only known text containing a song of praise for the god Šulpa’e, the spouse of the mother goddess Ninḫursag. This god is one of several deities who generally are portrayed as young heroes in Sumerian literature. The fragment in the National Museums Scotland was first published by Stephen Langdon in his Babylonian Liturgies (1913) as no. VI (“Hymn to Tammuz and Innina”). Adam Falkenstein edited the text in 1963 (“Sumerische religiöse Texte 4,” ZA 55, 11-67). Falkenstein assigns four manuscripts to this composition (A = VAT 6110; B = BM 87594; C = AO 3925; D = NMS A.1909.405.27). All known texts date to the Old Babylonian period (ca. 1900-1600 BC). Manuscripts C and D are written in syllabic Sumerian, thus differ significantly in their orthography from the other two manuscripts. The divine name dšul-pa-e3, for instance, is written su-pa3-e on the Edinburgh tablet. But the syllabic versions otherwise show many variants compared to the contents of the other sources.

K. Wagensonner (Oxford) suspects that the pieces C and D belong to the same tablet. While the physical joining of the two fragments presents logistical problems—some 1300 km separate the two museum collections—, it could be verified employing images of both tablets, in particular those produced with flat-bed scans that ensure the same scale for all surfaces (see K. Wagensonner, CDLN 2014:010).

The composition has about 85 lines. In the first section, the god is addressed as “hero, who shines forth like moonlight over the upper city.” He is the “lord of the great divine powers,” the elusive me (a word that in Sumerian means something like “essence”). But Šulpa’e is not just represented as a benevolent figure. The text emphasizes his power by referring to him as storm approaching mankind. He is the “lord of orchards and gardens, plantations and green reedbeds, of the quadrupeds of the wide desert, of the animals, the living creatures of the plains” (for a full translation see ETCSL 4.31.1).

CDLI entry: P414093

credit: kw

National Museums Scotland: 6 (2015-03-26)

Copy of the 10th tablet of a lamentation series; National Museums Scotland, Edinburgh; NMS A.1909.405.26.

Stephen Langdon published this tablet in the National Museums Scotland in his Babylonian Liturgies (1913) as no. VIII. The colophon identifies the text as tenth tablet of a well-known balag-composition, whose first line reads uru2-am3-ma-ir-ra-bi, "this city that has been pillaged." The Sumerian word balag designate a certain kind of musical instrument as a drum or harp. This series belongs to the lamentation literature and therefore is written in the so-called Emesal dialect, which mainly differs phonetically from the Sumerian main dialect. Already in the Old Babylonian period (ca. 1900-1600 BC) we find textual reference to this series. After the famous "Mari ritual" the composition is to be recited at the beginning of each month.

In its late "canonical" version, this composition is bilingual. The Akkadian translation follows directly after the Sumerian version. Such interlinear translations represent a common format for late bilingual texts. This series is already known in the Old Babylonian period (ca. 1900-1600 BC), but then in the Sumerian version only (see, for instance, K. Volk, FAOS 18 [1989], 26ff.).

The physical parameters such as scribal hand and line spacing help dating this tablet in Edinburgh to the second half of the first millennium BC. This tablet in Edinburgh very much resembles MMUM 35412, a text now in the Manchester University Museum, which was posted on here earlier. That text is a bilingual Emesal-composition as well, belonging, however, to another text genre.

CDLI entry: P414095

credit: kw

National Museums Scotland: 5 (2015-03-25)

Old Babylonian incantation against the “Evil Eye”; National Museums Scotland, Edinburgh; NMS A.1909.405.33.

The textual sources for incantations, which are specifically destined to protect against the Evil Eye are quite rare in Mesopotamia. M. J. Geller recently collected the available sources (Fs. Wilcke [2003] pp. 115ff.; 116). This well-preserved tablet in the collection of the National Museums Scotland was discussed in its wider context by Geller. Geller interprets incantations like this one to be descriptions of patients suffering from paranoia (ibid., p. 128).

The first passage describes the symptoms and implications of the affected person. Thus the text mentions, for instance, that “the ‛dragon’-face of a man causing evil approached heaven (so that) the clouds bring no rain. He approached the earth, and the plants do not grow. He approached the ox, and its yoke does not open (...).”

The description of the symptoms has its only parallel in AO 8895 in the Louvre Museum (see the score in Geller, op.cit., 129ff. and Thomsen, JNES 51, 1992, 31ff.). Whereas the text in Edinburgh follows the usual structure of incantations by describing the "problem" and Enki's son seeking advice and finally the cure, the text in the Louvre goes on with the description of symptoms and concludes with a spell against the Evil Eye.

On the tablet in Edinburgh Enki’s son Asalluhi, who generally occurs in incantations, takes notice of the problem. As it is attested in many incantations Asalluhi approaches his father and addresses him in order to get a solution. This passage is omitted in this text; traces of which are found in Enki's last sentence: "What do I know that you do not already know?." We have seen the complete formulary of this dialogue in another Sumerian incantation in Edinburgh (P355876).

The text directly goes on with describing a cure for the disease, which includes preparing a substance and binding it on the patient’s neck. The text closes with the prayer, “May Nintinuga purify her (surgical)-reed, may Damu strike with his axe, and may Gunura erect her boat-mast.”

CDLI entry: P355875

credit: kw

National Museums Scotland: 4 (2015-03-24)

Sumerian literary letter dating to the Old Babylonian period; National Museums Scotland, Edinburgh; NMS A.1909.405.32.

Sumerian letters, as their Akkadian counterparts, employ a consistent, conventionalized structure. The most obvious criterion is the Sumerian verbal form u3-na-a-du11, a so-called prospective verbal form that is, in Akkadian, rendered by the imperative qibi-ma, "speak." The Sumerian form follows the addressee marked by the dative postposition. The sender of the letter is followed by the verbal formulary na-ab-be2-a, "what ... says.".

Although the corpus of Sumerian letters is relatively small compared to that of Akkadian, we have a respectable number of literary letters that may have originated in actual correspondence. Most notable among these is the so-called royal correspondence of the kings of the Third Dynasty of Ur (ca. 2100-2000) (see Piotr Michalowski, The Correspondence of the Kings of Ur, 2011). These letters formed an important part of the Old Babylonian school curriculum.

Besides these letters there is a small group of letter-prayers addressed to deities. This example in the National Museums Scotland contains such a letter, which is known from several sources (see ETCSL 3.3.01 for a translation). Manuscripts are known to come from several sites, namely Nippur, Ur, Isin, and Uruk. Although this manuscript in Edinburgh has no known provenience, it is one of the best preserved. The text is complete with just minor surface damages.

The sender of the letter is a certain Ur-saga. The letter, that uses sophisticated epithets, is addressed to a king. In contrast to the address, the actual body of the letter is rather short:

My lord has not taken care of me; I am a citizen of Urim. If my lord agrees, let no one waste my father's household, let no one take away the home of my father's estate! May my lord know this!

CDLI entry: P414092

credit: kw

National Museums Scotland: 3 (2015-03-23)

Old Babylonian Sumerian song of praise; National Museums Scotland, Edinburgh; NMS A.1909.405.3.

The Old Babylonian period (ca. 1900-1600 BC) is the major period for the compilation of Sumerian literature. Its transmission is owed to a great extent to the school education, where literary extracts were copied by young apprentice scribes.

This nice example in the collection of the National Museums Scotland is a square tablet containing a short song of praise. The text was published by Stephen Langdon in his Babylonian Liturgies (1913) as text no. VIIIter. However, Langdon's hand copy suggests that the beginnings of the lines are completely destroyed and that there are signs missing. In fact, most of the tablet is preserved. The lines on the tablet are quite slanted. This is, in particular, apparent on the reverse, which just contains text in its upper third. In the blank space in the lower part of the reverse are quite a few erased signs. These two aspects suggest that the tablet's origin can indeed be traced in the school milieu.

The text ends in the doxology "Nissaba be praised." Langdon published this text in his Babylonian Liturgies as hymn to the goddess Nissaba. For such a song of praise see HS 1526 in the Hilprecht collection in Jena. The goddess Nissaba frequently occurs in doxologies of Sumerian literary compositions. It appears that the text is addressed to the goddess Baba (mentioned in line 8). She is addressed as ga-ša-an-gu10, "my lady," in the Emesal-dialect.

This is also substantiated by the first line, which mentions e2-gi4-a-eridu#?[{ki}-ga], "daughter-in-law [of Eridu]" (the end of the line is too fragmentary). This epitheton of the goddess Baba is already attested in the Early Dynastic period in an inscription of Uru-KA-gina. The second line mentions a covering (Akk. kutummu): KID-ma2-šu2-a. The first sentence with a finite verbal form occurs in line 4, which states: "What is made?" (a-na-am3 ib2-ak).

The remaining text contains the sequence ze2-eg3 several times, which is the Emesal-form for the Sumerian verb sum, "to give." The last line of the obverse and the first line of the reverse seem to be identical. All in all, this text appears to be an ad hoc compilation.

CDLI entry: P414096

credit: kw

National Museums Scotland: 2 (2015-03-22)

Sumerian love incantation dating to the Old Babylonian period; National Museums Scotland, Edinburgh; NMS A.1909.405.2.

Among the literary texts in the collection of the National Museums Scotland is also this well-preserved tablet, which dates to the Old Babylonian period (ca. 1900-1600 BC). It has recently been understood as incantation against love pain (see a new edition and discussion in Geller, "Mesopotamian Love Magic," CRAI 47/1, 129ff.). Sumerian and Akkadian provide good examples of love incantations. Incantations frequently explain a condition and present a problem.

The text draws much from Inana-Dumuzi love songs. Half of the composition describes a girl and how she arouses a man: "She strikes the lad in the chest like (with) a reed" (line 17). Then Asalluhi, having no solution, addresses his father Enki, who willingly give him the following advice:

Butter of a pure cow, milk of a domestic cow,
butter of a cow, butter of a white cow -
when you pour it in a yellow stone-vessel,
when you apply it to the girl's breasts,
the girl must not lock him out of the open door,
nor must she comfort her crying child.
Let (the lad) speak out: "May she run after me!"
Incantation spell.

The tablet in Edinburgh has a duplicate in the Williams College Museum of Art in Williamstown, Massachusetts (published by Goetze, JCS 8, 1954, 146). Since the state of preservation of the Edinburgh text is better, it adds valuable information to the understanding of this composition.

CDLI entry: P355876

credit: kw

National Museums Scotland: 1 (2015-03-21)

Old Babylonian Sumerian literary composition of the Moon-God traveling to his parents; National Museums Scotland, Edinburgh; NMS A.1909.405.1.

In recent decades, the genres and style of Sumerian literature have been much discussed in the scholarly literature. One crucial topic are “divine journeys.” Texts dealing with this peculiar Sumerian topic are quite frequent (see Klaus Wagensonner, Wenn Götter reisen ... [2005; unpublished MA thesis, University of Vienna]). Nonetheless, there are major differences of the relevant compositions compared to, for instance, city laments or debate poems, whose textual witnesses exhibit a much greater consistency in vocabulary and structure.

Divine journeys may be the topic of a single composition, as this specimen from the collection of the National Museums Scotland in Edinburgh demonstrates. Frequently, the divine journey is just an episode within the greater framework of a text. The level of detail varies from composition to composition. Some, as our example in Edinburgh, provide us with information like the means of transport or stops en route from A to B, guests of a banquet and so forth. Others just mention the journey itself and occasionally give clues about the exact whereabouts.

This well-preserved tablet is but one of quite a few manuscripts belonging to a composition known nowadays as “Nanna-Suen’s Journey to Nippur” (for an edition see Ferrara, Nanna-Suen's Journey to Nippur, Rome 1973). Sumerian literary compositions frequently need to be pieced together using many - mostly fragmentary - manuscripts. This fine manuscript is one of the best preserved we have for this composition. The University of Pennsylvania Museum in Philadelphia has a cast of the Edinburgh tablet in its holdings (whose reverse replaces the image of the original on the right-hand side).

There are several independent compositions dealing with the moon-god traveling from his home-town Ur to Nippur, the city of his parents, Enlil and Ninlil. This composition of 350 lines is not just the longest of them, but can be considered a leading example for Sumerian divine journeys altogether, due to its complexity and high level of information. Thus, we learn of the preparation and construction of a processional boat for the moon-god, of rituals along his journey to Nippur, and of much more. The ultimate goal of his journey was to be granted an abundance of fauna and flora, and a long rule in the palace, as becomes clear from the following passage:

He gave to him, Enlil gave to him—and he set off for Ur. In the river he gave him the carp-flood—and he set off for Ur. In the field he gave him speckled barley—and he set off for Ur. In the pond he gave him kuda carp and suḫur carp—and he set off for Ur. In the reedbeds he gave him old reed and fresh reed—and he set off for Ur. In the forests he gave him the ibex and wild ram—and he set off for Ur. In the high plain he gave him the mašgurum tree—and he set off for Ur. In the orchards he gave him date syrup and wine—and he set off for Ur. In the palace he gave him long life—and he set off for Ur.

CDLI entry: P414091

credit: kw

Couvent Saint-Étienne, Jerusalem: 11 (2015-03-20)

A simple receipt from 2050 BC.

Drehem, ancient Puzrish-Dagan, was the revenue accounting, and Nippur cult servicing center of the Ur III kings of the 21st century BC. This unassuming Drehem document from the collection of the Couvent Saint-Étienne, Jerusalem, records the receipt by Šulgi-irimu, a relatively high-ranking official under the third and fourth kings of the dynasty, of a cow and a lamb, slaughtered for an unnamed repast. The text, like many thousands of others, is dated exactingly to 2/18/2039 BC (middle chronology); it reads (following the text from top to bottom in the lines, and from right to left on the tablet, as did the ancient scribes)

   1 cow, seed of wild bull, 3rd year;
   1 lamb;
   slaughtered, 18th day;
   from Zubaga
   by Šulgi-irimu
   month: “Piglet-feast,”
   year: “The lord of (the moon-god) Nanna
      installed in Karzida;”
   (total:) 1 ox, 1 sheep.

Scientific editions: Dhorme, Edouard, Revue d'Assyriologie et d'Archéologie Orientale 9 (1912) p. 51 SE 7; Ozaki, Tohru & Sigrist, Marcel, Tablets in Jerusalem: Sainte-Anne and Saint-Étienne (2010) no. 270.

CDLI entry: P127544

credit: Englund, Robert K.

Couvent Saint-Étienne, Jerusalem: 10 (2015-03-19)

Babylonian cylinder seal impressions.

Cylinder seals were the hallmark of Babylonian contract and administrative practice. Dating back to the mid-fourth millennium BC, such seals were rolled by their owners across clay stoppers on jars of expensive butter oil, on bullae attached to cords fastening baskets, vessels, and even doors of storage rooms—and most importantly on receipts, on royal letters, on sales contracts. Identifying and interpreting the legends of these seals as part of the written record is not always a simple task for even the best trained of specialists. They were often rolled over—or, as a kind of letterhead, under—the ravaging effects of a man and his stylus. In many cases in the Ur III period, a space was left free, on the reverse surface of a receipt, specifically for a more legible seal rolling. This impression generally focussed on the seal legend, often to the near exclusion of such iconic material as presentation scenes that flanked the legend identifying the seal owner. The legend usually included his profession and the name of his father. Incidentally, the orientation of these scenes in relationship to the cuneiform legends is one of the pieces of evidence Ur III specialists have mustered to demonstrate that texts at this time were written, and read, in lines from top to bottom and in columns from right to left.

This text is a common Ur III document from Umma recording the receipt, by one Lanimu, of 2640 bird feathers. To better read the seal legend of this text, we often follow a technique, developed by UCLA graduate student Michael Heinle, of performing a color inversion and highlighting the result. In this example from the Couvent Saint-Étienne, Jerusalem, the highlighted legend underscores another of the problems a hapless seal cutter might encounter in his young apprentice: the initial sign 'la' was cut in a mirrored version, that is, in a form that was positive rather than the negative cut that would be required to result in a positive impression on a clay surface. This particular seal is currently recorded on nine texts including this one. CDLI is working closely with imaging teams at the Universities of Oxford and Leuven to implement imaging technologies focussing on the capture of the subtle surface impressions of seals, thus reducing our dependence on such short-cuts, or on the capabilities of early editors of administrative and legal text corpora and their occasionally less than exacting readings.

CDLI entry: P332188

credit: rke

Couvent Saint-Étienne, Jerusalem: 9 (2015-03-18)

Berlin and Jerusalem joined.

Fragments of texts broken in antiquity or during their excavation can be separated by inventory keepers at archaeological digs, by museum curators receiving and putting to storage such pieces, or can be separated early on and be taken to separate collections altogether. Later research by experts has led to many thousands of post-accession joins, even to a sub-discipline playfully, or occasionally ironically, called “joinology” (small “j”!) by admirers and detractors of those who dedicate much of their careers to this painstaking, vitally necessary work; the vaunted Kuyunjik scholar Rykle Borger springs most to mind in identifying the dozen or so researchers who contributed so much to solving the puzzles of ancient cuneiform. Pieces of formulaic cuneiform texts such as literary or lexical compositions, often found in multiple copies and reduced to composite form by specialists, are more susceptible than unique records to this work, that can occasionally cross international borders, as in this fine example of a lexical text from the Old Babylonian period recording lists of gods. Originally from Babylon, the larger piece is in the collection of the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin, while the smaller one—the middle peak—, is housed in the Couvent Saint-Étienne, Jerusalem. Following a join made by the UC Berkeley Sumerologist Niek Veldhuis, CDLI staff at UCLA were able to digitally rejoin the fragments from Jerusalem and the German capital as part of scanning work completed in 2012 in Jerusalem by, coincidentally, Berlin/CDLI postdoctoral researcher Luděk Vacín.

CDLI entry: P347139

credit: rke

Couvent Saint-Étienne, Jerusalem: 8 (2015-03-17)

Cuneiform on stone: Jerusalem texts.

This fine example of a royal text from the Early Old Babylonian reign of the Uruk monarch Anam, currently in the Couvent Saint-Étienne, Jerusalem, is one of only three such texts known, all done with expensive stone and all presumably from Uruk itself. The full inscription reads, following the translation of Daniel Foxvog, “Anam, the elder of the army of Uruk, son of Ilān-šeme’a, restored the wall of Uruk, the ancient construction of Gilgameš; so that water can thunder roundabout, he built it of baked bricks.” Scientific edition: Frayne, Douglas R., RIME, ex. 2.

CDLI entry: P427658

credit: rke

Couvent Saint-Étienne, Jerusalem: 7 (2015-03-16)

The plastic surgeons of cuneiform: take two.

In another example from the Couvent Saint-Étienne, Jerusalem, of post-excavation “improvements” on the appearance of ancient artifacts moving through antiquities markets, this originally large account of seed grain and seeding cost calculations from Ur III Umma (ca. 2050 BC) displays not only the handicraft of clay artisans, but also an attempt to frame the inscription on obverse and poorly preserved reverse. The fragment would appear to represent the bottom right sixth of the original 8-column account. Scientific edition: Ozaki, Tohru & Sigrist, Marcel, Tablets in Jerusalem: Sainte-Anne and Saint-Étienne (2010) no. 270.

CDLI entry: P332182

credit: rke

Couvent Saint-Étienne, Jerusalem: 6 (2015-03-15)

The plastic surgeons of cuneiform: take one.

The graphic clarity of inscriptions of the Ur III period (ca. 2100-2000 BC) is, to many specialist eyes, surpassed only by that of the Old Akkadian period (2340-2200). This administrative account from ancient Umma, now in the collection of the Couvent Saint-Étienne, Jerusalem, documents the stock records of state-run herds of large cattle and equids, including all the strengths and foibles of Ur III accountants. Next to the erasure of a full line of glyphs to the upper right (so much easier, and so much more dangerous nowadays with electronic media), we may note the common practice of including different forms of numerical signs in the text, contrasting cuneiform wedges, for instance at the beginnig of the third to the last line of the second column, with what are known as curviliear impressions at the right of the same column, thus indicating quantities of animals that would be kept separate in succeeding totals. These curvilinear numerical signs are vestiges of earlier forms done with the rounded butt-end of a stylus, that, with its opposite sharp edge used to create wedge impressions and lines, was known as a gi-gur, "turning reed."

But there is something else going on with this text. Its tongue-like form is entirely artificial, and the creation of no ancient scribe, but of robbers and their touch-up artists who work to make a text fragment appear whole again by chipping and sanding down jagged edges to garner the favor, and the cash of unsuspecting customers. An account found in the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago demonstrates what this text might have looked like in its original state. Scientific edition: Ozaki, Tohru & Sigrist, Marcel, Tablets in Jerusalem: Sainte-Anne and Saint-Étienne (2010) no. 269.

CDLI entry: P332181

credit: rke

Couvent Saint-Étienne, Jerusalem: 5 (2015-03-14)

Ashes to ashes, dust to dust.

Often described by casual observers as “stones,” the cuneiform tablets from Near Eastern excavations are in the vast majority made of clay, mostly unfired and therefore subject to the decay of all things, as taught by Genesis 3:19 (“Dust thou art, and unto dust thou shalt return” [King James]). This example in the collection of the Couvent Saint-Étienne, Jerusalem, serves as fair warning to the sundry curators and excavators who reserve, for future conservation and some imagined specialist treatment, the cuneiform artifacts in their collections, often withholding from digital preservation these fragile and historically unique witnesses of early human history. Once the surfaces of such clay pieces decay, the text—perhaps the transfer of a goat from one household to the next, perhaps the musing of an ancient mathematician on the circumference of a circle—is lost for all time.

CDLI entry: P431416

credit: rke

Couvent Saint-Étienne, Jerusalem: 4 (2015-03-13)

A stone tablet in the Couvent Saint-Étienne collection.

The Ur III kings reigning in the southern capital city of Ur (“of the Chaldees,” fancifully depicted in the Bible as the birthplace of Abraham) perpetuated and built out a Babylonian bureaucracy that documented the goings-on of a far-flung empire. The nearly 100,000 known text artifacts from the 50 years of recorded history of that empire (ca. 2050-2000 BC) constitute the largest preserved historical archive prior to the Middle Ages. The text depicted here derives from the reign of the third neo-Sumerian king, Amar-Suen (“Calf-of-[the moon-god]-Sîn”), one of just seven royal text witnesses that describe the construction of a cult center dedicated to the moon god Sîn in the city of Karzida. Such tablets done in valuable stone were often placed, together with cones and statues of rulers taking part in the construction work, as foundation deposits below corners and significant entryways to monumental buildings, much like our time capsules, though in the Mesopotamian case retrieved by succeeding dynasts, and modern excavators after centuries and millennia, and not fifty years. Scientific edition: Frayne, Douglas R., RIME 3/, ex. 04.

CDLI entry: P227475

credit: rke

Couvent Saint-Étienne, Jerusalem: 3 (2015-03-12)

Gudea in a Jerusalem collection.

The Lagash II governor Gudea left a notable record of Sumerian royal inscriptions from his reign in the middle of the 22nd century BC. Best known are the monumental inscriptions on diorite statues excavated in Iraq and found today in many national museums, most notably the Louvre, and two remarkable clay cylinders that contain, in the longest Sumerian text known, an account of the rebuilding of the temple complex of Ningirsu at Girsu called é-ninnu-anzu-babbar, “House of fifty: White thunderbird.” Beyond these substantial artifacts, the corpus of royal Gudea texts include numerous examples of smaller inscriptions on clay bricks and cones, and no small number of stone tablets. The cone depicted here from the Couvent Saint-Étienne, Jerusalem, is one of currently 1444 copies (and counting) of a short text commemorating the construction work on the Eninnu. The ultimate use of these cones is unclear; some were added to foundation deposits memorializing, like time capsules with their copies of Life magazine, Kennedy 50¢ coins and photos of long-dead mayors, the construction work itself, but one might imagine that they could have been passed out as commemorative mementos to important members of the governor’s court, and to temple administrators, who supported the cult of Ningirsu and, through it, the governor himself. The form of the cone was itself reminiscent of the cuneiform sign gag, pictographically a cone or nail used in construction, and as we might expect denoting the verb “to build” or “to erect”. Daniel A. Foxvog is leading an initiative through the CDLI to edit all Mesopotamian royal inscriptions, eventually to include literary score versions of texts found or suspected in multiple copies. We depict the cone here in the orientation of the ancients, upright, with lines of cuneiform read from top to bottom, and on the cone surface from right to left.

CDLI entry: P431332

credit: rke

Couvent Saint-Étienne, Jeruslaem: 2 (2015-03-11)

Fourth millennium BC alimentation of female laborers in Iran.

Another proto-Elamite artifact in the Couvent Saint-Étienne collection records the distribution to a number of female workers and other named individuals amounts of grain that probably represented their monthly rations. The proto-Elamite corpus of some 1700 text artifacts is the focus of a research effort led by Jacob Dahl of the University of Oxford, who contributed a series of pages to this app, dated to January 12-24, 2014, that describes many of the questions posed, some solved, by his research.

CDLI entry: P009438

credit: rke

Couvent Saint-Étienne, Jeruslaem: 1 (2015-03-10)

An ancient Iranian document in Jerusalem.

The Couvent Saint-Étienne, Jerusalem, houses a collection of some 170 cuneiform text artifacts. Under the aegis of the Dominican Order, the monastery enjoys a long history of engagement in Jerusalem and the Near East generally, with research offices associated with the École biblique et archéologique française. One of the early pieces of the Saint-Étienne collection is shown here. Most likely donated to the Order by the Dominican Father Jean-Vincent Scheil who himself served as epigrapher at the Jacques de Morgan-led campaigns in Susa, and who published many of the ancient Iranian clay tablets unearthed there, this proto-Elamite document dates to the end of the 4th millennium BC and appears to record sixteen workmen affiliated with six different institutions.

CDLI entry: P009442

credit: rke

Erlenmeyer archaic: 9 (2015-03-09)

Proto-cuneiform grain management account (Uruk III period, ca. 3200-3000 BC; owner: Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, New York)

The Uruk III period (ca. 3200-3000 BC) sealed tablet from the former Swiss Erlenmeyer collection, auctioned at Christie’s London in December 1988 for £9,500, contains two entries concerning the distribution of barley; the tablet is one of only two archaic texts from the Erlenmeyer archive with a seal impression. Note the seal’s depiction of the ruler, often called the “priest-king” of Uruk, on the hunt for wild boar with his mastiffs in the reed marshland of southern Mesopotamia, a very dangerous sport in ancient times. Bibliography: Hans J. Nissen, Peter Damerow & Robert K. Englund, Archaic Bookkeeping (Chicago 1993) p. 17 + fig. 17; Joan Aruz, Art of the First Cities (2003) 40. The text will also appear later this year in the 4th and final volume of the series Cuneiform Texts in the Metropolitan Museum of Art edited by Ira Spar (pp. 338-339, no. 179). Photo courtesy of the MMA; seal impression rendering: J. Aruz.

CDLI entry: P005393

credit: rke

Erlenmeyer archaic: 8 (2015-03-08)

Proto-cuneiform grain management account (Uruk III period, ca. 3200-3000 BC; owner: Land Berlin, Germany; on permanent loan to the Vorderasiatisches Museum)

The Uruk III period (ca. 3200-3000 BC) account from the former Swiss Erlenmeyer collection, auctioned at Christie’s London in December 1988 for £9,000, records, on its inscribed surface, two entries to the upper right concerning barley groats and malt (indeed, the latter of the two notations represents the largest amount of malt attested as yet in the archaic texts), probably for beer production, and to the upper left the total of the entries. The signs at the bottom of the text are believed to stand for the brewery official or office called "KU-ŠIM," most often associated with beer production in the Erlenmeyer texts. Bibliography: Hans J. Nissen, Peter Damerow & Robert K. Englund, Archaic Bookkeeping (Chicago 1993) pp. 39-40 + fig. 36; R. Englund in J. Bauer, R. Englund and M. Krebernik, OBO 160/1 (1998) 187 fig. 73.

CDLI entry: P005363

credit: rke

Erlenmeyer archaic: 7 (2015-03-07)

Proto-cuneiform breweries management account (Uruk III period, ca. 3200-3000 BC; owner: Schøyen Collection, Norway)

The Uruk III period (ca. 3200-3000 BC) account from the former Swiss Erlenmeyer collection, auctioned at Christie’s London in December 1988 for £22,000, records only one entry with a numerical notation representing the largest amount of barley of all archaic texts in the Erlenmeyer collection; extra information is given with the entry, in particular the time notation “37 months,” the largest known month notation in the entire archaic text corpus. Bibliography: Hans J. Nissen, Peter Damerow & Robert K. Englund, Archaic Bookkeeping (Chicago 1993) pp. 36-37 + fig. 33; R. Englund in J. Bauer, R. Englund and M. Krebernik, OBO 160/1 (1998) 182 fig. 69.

CDLI entry: P005340

credit: rke

Erlenmeyer archaic: 6 (2015-03-06)

Proto-cuneiform breweries management account (Uruk III period, ca. 3200-3000 BC; owner: Land Berlin, Germany; on permanent loan to the Vorderasiatisches Museum)

The Uruk III period (ca. 3200-3000 BC) account from the former Swiss Erlenmeyer collection, auctioned at Christie’s London in December 1988 for £15,000, records the distribution of larger amounts of barley to several persons with the total of the entries on the reverse; this total was combined with a further entry for a grand total associated with the office of “KU-ŠIM,” interpreted to be the major brewery of the city. Bibliography: Hans J. Nissen, Peter Damerow & Robert K. Englund, Frühe Schrift und Techniken der Wirtschaftsverwaltung im alten Vorderen Orient (Berlin 1990, 1991, 2004) no. 4.24.

CDLI entry: P005335

credit: rke

Erlenmeyer archaic: 5 (2015-03-05)

Proto-cuneiform bakery account (Uruk III period, ca. 3200-3000 BC; owner: Bolaffi Collection, Turin, Italy)

The Uruk III period (ca. 3200-3000 BC) account from the former Swiss Erlenmeyer collection, auctioned at Christie’s London in December 1988 for £40,000 to M. Stansfeld, Monaco (resold by Christie’s in 2005 for a £160,000 hammer price, at £187,200 including premium far and away the highest sum every paid for a Babylonian clay tablet), records the distribution of various amounts of differing types of beer to several persons and for certain festivals(?); the types of beer and the barley groats and malt necessary for their production are totaled separately on the reverse. Bibliography: Hans J. Nissen, Peter Damerow & Robert K. Englund, Archaic Bookkeeping (Chicago 1993) pp. 43-46 + fig. 39; R. Englund in J. Bauer, R. Englund and M. Krebernik, OBO 160/1 (1998) 194 fig. 76.

CDLI entry: P005322

credit: rke

Erlenmeyer archaic: 4 (2015-03-04)

Detail shots of a proto-cuneiform bakery account (Uruk III period, ca. 3200-3000 BC; owner: Land Berlin, Germany; on permanent loan to the Vorderasiatisches Museum)

The two cut-outs from the proto-cuneiform bakery account of the previous day contain notations that are characteristic of a large number of Babylonian administrative records from the latter third of the 4th millennium BC. To the upper right is the first case of the account with the inscription

   2N51 , 1N30c DU8c ABb EZINUd
   4N5 4N42a.

An approximate translation is: “240 flatbreads for AB-EZINU, each ‘1N30c’ in size, requiring 4N5 4N42a in flour”, that is, 240 x N30c = 24N42a (where we know that 1N5 = 5N42a). Simple numerical substitution results in the conclusion that 1N30c = 1/10xN42a, a relationship that was for the first time demonstrated with publication of this text. Our calculations indicate that the numerical sign 1N30c represented about half a liter of grain. To the lower left is the general qualifier of the account, namely, the sign combination of “head” + “bowl” (a representation of the common Late Uruk beveled-rim bowl) with the later Sumerian reading of gu7, “to consume.” Bibliography: Hans J. Nissen, Peter Damerow & Robert K. Englund, Frühe Schrift und Techniken der Wirtschaftsverwaltung im alten Vorderen Orient (Berlin 1990, 1991, 2004) no. 4.3; Damerow, Englund & Nissen, MDOG 121 (1989) 151.

CDLI entry: P005314

credit: rke

Erlenmeyer archaic: 3 (2015-03-03)

Proto-cuneiform bakery account (Uruk III period, ca. 3200-3000 BC; owner: Land Berlin, Germany; on permanent loan to the Vorderasiatisches Museum)

The Uruk III period (ca. 3200-3000 BC) account from the former Swiss Erlenmeyer collection, auctioned at Christie’s London in December 1988 for £36,000, records the cereal required for various amounts of two grain products, probably bread loafs, with the total of the quantities on the reverse. This depiction rotates the tablet 90 degrees clockwise to represent its true orientation in ancient times (following Assyriological conventions, early texts are published and usually displayed in museums in the orientation that mimics the way tablets were written from the mid-2nd to the end of the 1st millennium BC). Bibliography: Hans J. Nissen, Peter Damerow & Robert K. Englund, Frühe Schrift und Techniken der Wirtschaftsverwaltung im alten Vorderen Orient (Berlin 1990, 1991, 2004) no. 4.3; Damerow, Englund & Nissen, MDOG 121 (1989) 151.

CDLI entry: P005314

credit: rke

Erlenmeyer archaic: 2 (2015-03-02)

Proto-cuneiform model grain management account (Uruk III period, ca. 3200-3000 BC; owner: Land Berlin, Germany; on permanent loan to the Vorderasiatisches Museum)

The Uruk III period (ca. 3200-3000 BC) account from the former Swiss Erlenmeyer collection, auctioned at Christie’s London in December 1988 for £30,000, lists various amounts of differing cereal products and the results of the calculation of the cereal (barley groats and malt) required for their production. Bibliography: Hans J. Nissen, Peter Damerow & Robert K. Englund, Archaic Bookkeeping (Chicago 1993) pp. 42-43; Damerow, Englund & Nissen, Natuur & Techniek 59/9 (1991) 704; R. Englund in J. Bauer, R. Englund and M. Krebernik, OBO 160/1 (1998) 196 fig. 77.

CDLI entry: P005313

credit: rke

Erlenmeyer archaic: 1 (2015-03-01)

Proto-cuneiform account from grain management (Uruk III period, ca. 3200-3000 BC; owner: Land Berlin, Germany; on permanent loan to the Vorderasiatisches Museum)

The Uruk III period (ca. 3200-3000 BC) account from the former Swiss Erlenmeyer collection, auctioned at Christie’s London in December 1988 for £18,000, records larger amounts of barley and various sorts of emmer with partial sums and a grand total on the reverse. Note the special designation of emmer “|GISZ.TE|” of unclear meaning. The late Assyriologist Johannes J. A. van Dijk reported to members of the Berlin project Archaische Texte aus Uruk that he was once shown the location of the Uruk mound where the Erlenmeyer collection was unearthed. Bibliography: Hans J. Nissen, Peter Damerow & Robert K. Englund, Frühe Schrift und Techniken der Wirtschaftsverwaltung im alten Vorderen Orient (Berlin 1990, 1991, 2004) no. 4.1, title page; Damerow, Englund & Nissen, Natuur & Techniek 59/9 (1991) 606-697.

CDLI entry: P005312

credit: rke

The Emory Collection: 5 (2015-02-28)

Building cone with a dedicatory inscription from Išme-Dagan

According to the Sumerian King List, Išme-Dagan reigned 20 years in Isin during the early part Old Babylonian Period (ca. 2005-1595 BC). In the Uruk period, inscribed objects such as these cones were placed in the dedicated buildings and structures. With the thousands of hand cones unearthed for these later periods, it is difficult to know if the cones were placed in the structures or if they served some other function. The text refers to the king as a mighty man. He claims to have cancelled the service of the men of Nippur, the city loved by Enlil. It is common in early Mesopotamia for kings to make the claim of releasing people from their duties and other acts of justice and magnanimity. By releasing the men of Nippur, Enlil's city, from forced duties, Išme-Dagan seeks to garner favor from Enlil and protection for the city of Isin.

CDLI entry: P433185.

credit: jnr

The Emory Collection: 4 (2015-02-27)

An Ur III text relating to a festival held for the coronation of Ibbi-Suen

During the final month of the reign of Šu-Suen, a number of festivals were held on the occasion of Ibbi-Suen's ascension to the throne. This Drehem text relates to the sixth day of the 11th month. The text mentions a fattened ox used as an offering when Ibbi-Suen received the crown. The date of the text reads: iti ezem-mah / mu dšu-dsuen lugal uri5ki-ma-ke4 e2 dšara2 ummaki-ka mu-du3: "The month of the high festival; the year Šu-Suen, the king of Ur, built the house of Šara in Umma" (cf. Sollberger JCS 10, 18-20 for more Emory texts dealing with the coronation of Ibbi-Suen).

CDLI entry: P111898.

credit: jnr

The Emory Collection: 3 (2015-02-26)

An Ur III account of male laborers

ASJ 9, 242 19, is an account of male workers employed in the agricultural sphere during the Third Dynasty of Ur. The tablet, housed in the Michael C. Carlos Museum of Emory University in Atlanta, Georgia, dates to the 47th year (mu us2-sa ki-masz{ki} ba-hul, ‟year after ‟Kimaš was destroyed“ “) of Shugi, second ruler of the period. The large account deals with a total of 9,609 5/6 man-days (u4 1(disz)-sze3) with a deficit of 29 2/3 man-days.

CDLI entry: P102296

credit: nr

The Emory Collection: 2 (2015-02-25)

A quadrilingual royal inscription from the Achaemenid period (ca. 547-331 BC)

This alabastron contains the phrase, "Artaxerxes, the king" in 4 different languages.
1. a-r-t-x-$-c,-a : x-$-a-y-t'-i-y
Artaxerxes, the king.
# Persian
2. {disz}ir#-tak-ik-ša2-iš-sza2 dišsunki
Artaxerxes, the king.
# Elamite
3. (diš)ar-ta-ak-ša2-as-su _lugal_
Artaxerxes, the king.
# Akkadian
4. 3-rw-T-xA-S-s-SA pr-aA
Artaxerxes, the king.
# Egyptian

Artaxerxes, the son of Xerxes, was king of Persia from 465-424 BC. Little archaeological remains exist for his rule, leaving scant information except from Greek authors and the Hebrew Bible. The reign of Artaxerxes, in Hebrew אַרְתַּחְשַׁסְתְּא‎, is mentioned in Ezra 7 of the Hebrew Bible. Despite the Hebrew Bible being the place from which most people know of his reign, of the four languages chosen here none of them are Hebrew. Ctesias claims that Artaxerxes ascended to the throne when Xerxes, his father, was killed by Artaban. Artaxerxes killed Darius, his older brother, when Artaban accused Darius of murdering Xerxes. Following a tip from his brother-in-law, Artaxerxes killed Artaban and all of his family.

CDLI entry: P433328.

credit: jnr

The Emory Collection: 1 (2015-02-24)

An Ur III messenger tablet that in 1989 became the oldest human made object to travel to space

ASJ 9, 239 12, from the reign of Amar-Suen (ca. 2046-2038 BC), records provisions, including beer, onions, oil, and bread, given to named individuals. While the tablet does not specifically mention the tasks apportioned to these persons, the text falls into the category of similar administrative documents called messenger texts. This otherwise mundane tablet made history almost 4,000 years after its composition by becoming the oldest human artifact to travel to space when in 1989 Emory alumnus Manley L. (“Sonny”) Carter, Jr., as mission specialist of the STS-33 crew, selected the tablet from the Carlos collection to board the space shuttle Discovery in connection with NASA's Object in Space Program.

CDLI entry: P102288.

credit: jnr

Musée d’Art et d’Histoire, Geneva: 9 (2015-02-23)

The oldest and youngest cuneiform artifacts in the museum

The tablet on the left (MAH 16070) probably comes from Šuruppak (modern Fara), a city in southern Mesopotamia so ancient that, according to the Epic of Gilgameš, it had existed before the Flood. There is no date on the legible side nor would we expect one at this early stage of writing (the other surface remains covered with baked-on soil), but the format and sign forms put it in the Early Dynastic IIIa period (ca. 2600-2500 BC). It records valuable objects together with personal names, perhaps confirming an exchange of gifts as part of a contract.

On the right is MAH 16089, a fragment from Uruk (60 km south of Šuruppak) that also seems to be a contract. On the basis of internal evidence it dates to 89 BC, the seventh year of the reign of Philip I, ruler of a Hellenistic kingdom that had not in fact controlled Babylonia for 50 years. It testifies to the continuing vitality of cuneiform writing 2500 years after the tablet on the left was inscribed. Alphabetic writing had been politically dominant in Mesopotamia for over 400 years by the time this document was drafted—first the Aramaic of the Persian Empire from 539 BC, then Greek after the arrival of Alexander the Great in 331—but the Akkadian and Sumerian languages retained great intellectual prestige. This was particularly true in such important centers as Uruk, the city where writing first appears in the archeological record in the second half of the 4th millennium BC.

CDLI entries: P424011 and P424024

credit: ec

Musée d’Art et d’Histoire, Geneva: 8 (2015-02-22)

An exercise in geometry

This Old Babylonian tablet (MAH 16055) demonstrates how to divide triangles into three pieces such that the uppermost (triangular) and lowest (trapezoidal) portions are equal in area. It shows ten triangles with upper and lower areas of 5 to 50 units. Regardless of the absolute dimensions of the different triangles, the desired division is obtained when the lengths of the base of a triangle and the two transverse lines dividing it are in the ratio 5:4:3. For example, the sixth triangle (upper and lower areas of 30) has a base of 2x601+46x600+40x60-1, or 166 2/3 in decimal notation. The two transversals are 2x601+13x600+20x60-1 (133 1/3) and 1x601+40x600 (100). This is the famous Pythagorean relationship c2=a2+b2 over a thousand years before Pythagoras.

Mesopotamian mathematics was based on the number 60, not the 10 that we are familiar with today. The system survives in our division of hours into minutes and seconds, and of a circle into 360 degrees. As the example above shows, 60 has the advantage of being divisible by 3 as well as 2 and 5, so some calculations that produce continuing fractions in base 10 yield round numbers in base 60. Computation was always intimately associated with practical concerns, such as dividing a field among heirs or estimating the materials and labor required for construction projects. Introductions can be found online in English at a site maintained by Duncan Melville at St. Lawrence University (Canton, NY) and in French at CultureMATH, maintained by Eric Vandendriessche of the Université Paris Diderot.

CDLI entry: P254721

credit: ec

Musée d’Art et d’Histoire, Geneva: 7 (2015-02-21)

Skilled craftsmanship

This tiny piece of lapis lazuli (10 mm long and 5 mm in diameter) fills the viewer with admiration for the Babylonian jeweler in the first millennium BC who could incise the seven-line votive inscription that covers its surface, and then inlay the cuneiform signs with precious metal. The hole visible in the end view does not go all the way through the piece; this fact and a possible residue of bitumen in the hole suggest that the object (MAH 17877) was the head of a decorative pin.

CDLI entry: P424326

credit: ec

Musée d’Art et d’Histoire, Geneva: 6 (2015-02-20)

A controversial object of beauty

Catalogued by the Musée d’Art et d’Histoire as a vase but considered by some scholars to be a wind-bell, this 15 x 9 cm object (MAH 19359) is not part of the Boissier collection. It comes from Susa in the land of Elam, east of Mesopotamia at the foot of the Zagros mountains. Although the Elamites had a language of their own, the inscription here is in Sumerian; it commemorates the construction of a temple by one Attaḫušu, who lived in the 19th century BC and was a nephew of the ruler Silḫaḫa (a full catalogue of the MAH collection is available here).

CDLI entry: P424337

credit: ec

Musée d’Art et d’Histoire, Geneva: 5 (2015-02-19)

An Assyrian trader in Anatolia hears from his long-suffering wife.

One of 52 Old Assyrian tablets in the Musée d’Art et d’Histoire collection. From around 1970 to about 1720 BC, traders from Assur on the upper Tigris maintained commercial relations with central Anatolia, 1000 kilometers from home. Some time before 1895, one Pušuken son of Sueyya began trading in Kanesh (modern Kültepe), the principal Assyrian colony. He finally settled there permanently, leaving his wife Lamassi and daughter Aḫaḫa in Assur to run the family home and provide textiles for their sons to bring by caravan to Kanesh. In this letter (MAH 16209), Lamassi reports a tax dispute with the authorities, complains of not receiving payment for goods already shipped, and exhorts Pušuken to return to Assur to dedicate their “little girl” to the service of the city´s eponymous god. Letters in other collections tell us that Aḫaḫa did eventually join a religious order, but continued to engage in trade after the deaths of her parents.

The thousands of tablets left by the Old Assyrian traders—contracts, waybills, receipts, court transcripts, and accounts of various kinds, as well as letters—give us a more detailed picture of people's lives and work than we have for many more recent periods of history. See Cécile Michel´s Correspondance des Marchands de Kanesh (Les Editions du Cerf, 2001), with a chapter devoted to the letters of Lamassi, Aḫaḫa, and other women.

CDLI entry: P390566

credit: ec

Musée d’Art et d’Histoire, Geneva: 4 (2015-02-18)

Looking for omens in a sacrificed animal.

In ancient Mesopotamia, as in ancient Rome, it was believed that gods would “write” clues to the future in the entrails of animals sacrificed to them. Divination was a particular interest of Alfred Boissier, whose collection forms a large part of the Musée d’Art et d’Histoire´s holdings. This tablet (MAH 16274), undated but Old Babylonian in script and style, describes the liver and lungs of a sacrificial animal, probably a sheep. To help decode the message, diviners (barû) had clay models of livers with different parts labeled, and lists of associations between anatomical features and events in the world (one example is found in the MAH collection).

CDLI entry: P424126

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Musée d’Art et d’Histoire, Geneva: 3 (2015-02-17)

Priests of Larsa answer to their superiors for performing an unnecessary ritual.

One day in the eighth year of the Persian king Cyrus’s rule over Babylonia (532 BC), lamentation-priests (kalû) of the Ebabbar temple in the southern city of Larsa employed an expensive and ritually potent bronze drum of their temple to ward off the anticipated evil effects of a lunar eclipse that never occurred. Their superiors at the Eanna temple in Uruk seem to have launched an investigation into this erroneous deployment of resources. The tablet shown here records the testimony of three witnesses a month after the futile ritual. The outcome of the inquiry is unknown. Our tablet was published by Boissier in 1926 (Revue d’Assyriologie et d’archéologie orientale 23, 13-17). A second deposition taken three days later wound up in the collection of Yale University and was published in 1925 as YOS 7, 71. English translations of the tablets and an analysis of the case in both cultic and astronomical terms have been published by Paul-Alain Beaulieu and John P. Britton (Journal of Cuneiform Studies 46 [1994] 73-86). Their calculations suggest that the kalû acted in good faith, but did not fully appreciate the limitations of predictions based on data accumulated in previous centuries.

CDLI entry: P423841

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Musée d’Art et d’Histoire, Geneva: 2 (2015-02-16)

In this fragment of a Babylonian flood myth, the hero Atra-hasis is being advised by his god, Enki, to build an ark. The back of the fragment bears the scribe's name and part of a date in the 17th century BC.

Much of the cuneiform material in the Musée d’Art et d’Histoire, Geneva, was originally the personal collection of Genevan Assyriologist Alfred Boissier (1867-1945). He published the text shown here in 1931 in Revue d’Assyriologie e et d’archéologie orientale 28, 91-97. The piece was recognized as coming from the same tablet as three fragments in the British Museum; all are reunited in the CDLI record cited below. This artifact is the last of a three-tablet series that recounts the creation of human beings, the gods’ vain attempts to eliminate the rowdy species by famine, plague, and flood, and their final accommodation after being thwarted by the wise human Atra-hasis and his divine patron Enki. The surviving parts of the three tablets, together with other versions of the story, can be found in W. G. Lambert and A. R. Millard, Atra-hasis: The Babylonian Story of the Flood (Eisenbrauns 1969).

CDLI entry: P285811

credit: ec

Musée d’Art et d’Histoire, Geneva: 1 (2015-02-15)

A brick from Babylon, bearing the stamp of King Nebuchadnezzar. Found at the presumed site of the “Tower of Babel” by Genevan polymath Adolphe Pictet in 1873, it became the first cuneiform artifact in the museum’s collection.

The hand-written labels on the front and back of this object show it to be the one mentioned by Edmond Sollberger in his 1951 article "The Cuneiform Collection in Geneva,” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 5, 18-20, as the first cuneiform document registered in the Musée d’Art et d’Histoire collection, presented to what was then the Musée archéologique by Adolphe Pictet in 1874. Nebuchadnezzar (reigned 604-562 BC) is known today as the military leader who conquered Jerusalem and deported its population, but his royal inscriptions celebrate his activities as a builder or restorer of temples. Stamping bricks with votive or commemorative text was an age-old tradition by Nebuchadnezzar’s day: the MAH collection includes a brick inscribed by Gudea, who ruled the southern Mesopotamian city-state of Lagash around 2120 BC (a full catalogue of the MAH collection is available here).

CDLI entry: P424358

credit: ec

Babylonian Slaves: 22 (2015-02-14)

Slave accounts of the Late Uruk period (ca. 3350-3000 BC)

The same phenomen of qualifying Uruk IV period child-slaves with a numerical sign that essentially signifies fractions of whole units (these being adults) is known as well for domesticated animals. Compare the two texts here. To the right is the account from the previous day recording three adult and two infant SAL KUR, and to the left a text with the very same format, but in this instance recording sheep in the upper, and goats in the lower case. The count of six sheep is separated into 3 adult animals, and 3 lambs! Another text from Uruk qualifies calves in the same manner, subsuming a ‟fraction” cow, recorded in obv. column iii line 1, under a total of four animals in rev. ii 3 designated AMAR, the usual term for juvenile cattle. These accounts then, much like slave auction records throughout our own history, blur the lines between humans and animals—in the eyes of the masters.

CDLI entries: P001282, P001392

credit: rke

Babylonian Slaves: 21 (2015-02-13)

Slave accounts of the Late Uruk period (ca. 3350-3000 BC)

Can we follow Babylonian slavekeeping accounts back to the beginning of writing in the ancient Near East? The answer is yes. For the tablet here can, based on sign forms and account format, be comfortably dated to the Uruk IV period, ca. 3350 BC. Excavated by German teams working in Warka in late January 1931, the artifact is now housed in Berlin’s Vorderasiatisches Museum. The document records 5 female and male slaves in the first section to the upper left, and 1 male slave to the lower left. But there is a striking difference between the count of slaves here and in later proto-cuneiform accounts. Where later texts qualified age differences with an assortment of characters including those representing year counts (nN57+U4), this account instead employs the numerical sign, signifying a count of one in the sexagesimal system, rotated 90º clockwise for children. Such a derived numerical notation is otherwise known from Late Uruk texts to signify fractions of whole units, for instance tenths of surface measures, or one half of the contents of a vessel or basket.

CDLI entry: P001392

credit: rke

Babylonian Slaves: 20 (2015-02-12)

Slave accounts of the Late Uruk period (ca. 3350-3000 BC)

Another text from the Schøyen collection is confounding. Inscribed with a beautifully clear Uruk III period hand (ca. 3200-3000 BC), the account lists in three columns of the tablet’s obverse surface, and a further two of the reverse, numbers of possible officials, each associated with a count of SAL, 'female slaves.' The sign combinations in the first of these double sub-cases bear similarities with several other Schøyen texts and one from Jemdet Nasr, some of which deal with agricultural tasks.

CDLI entry: P006054

credit: rke

Babylonian Slaves: 19 (2015-02-11)

Slave accounts of the Late Uruk period (ca. 3350-3000 BC)

The text demonstrates, moreover, a further qualification of slaves that would seem to harken back to the series of entries at the beginning of our presentation of Babylonian slavekeeping. Now rotated to the (original) tablet orientation to facilitate the identification of pictographic referents, you can identify in the two middle cases our common SAL KUR combination, but both with added pictograms. The added sign in the left case is a pictogram of the yoke and the precursor of the 3rd millenium sign erin2, ‘troop’ (of workers). To the right is a pictogram of a human head with a cord (later Sumerian peš3, [string of] figs) laid across its neck. In both cases, it is easy to conjure an association with later designations of captured individuals: with the LU2×EŠ2, the ‟roped humans” of our ED I-II account from Kish, on the one hand, and with the yoked prisoners of the Old Akkadian stelae, on the other.

CDLI entry: P005279

credit: rke

Babylonian Slaves: 18 (2015-02-10)

Slave accounts of the Late Uruk period (ca. 3350-3000 BC)

Another Jemdet Nasr tablet, beautifully preserved in Oxford’s Ashmolean Museum, retains the same text structure as the previous text, but with many more entries. Indeed, our inspection of this text demonstrated that it in fact was a larger account into which were copied, line for line, the entries of the smaller document. This unexpected early instance of account consolidation, now particularly well documented in the Ur III records of the 21st century BC (for one striking example, see CDLJ 2003/1), was illustrated in Nissen, Damerow & Englund, Archaic Bookkeeping (Chicago 1993) pp. 72-73.

CDLI entry: P005279

credit: rke

Babylonian Slaves: 17 (2015-02-09)

Slave accounts of the Late Uruk period (ca. 3350-3000 BC)

Even more so than in the earlier accounts of this theme recording groups of named slaves, specialists are often reduced to fairly idle description and interpretation of visually complex documents. This piece from Jemdet Nasr in northern Babylonia contains numbers that make sense, as well as our common designations SAL KUR for female and male slaves, however without the clear relationship between single group counts and succeeding sub-cases with the non-numerical signs we expect to represent personal names.

CDLI entry: P005280

credit: rke

Babylonian Slaves: 16 (2015-02-08)

Slave accounts of the Late Uruk period (ca. 3350-3000 BC)

Furthermore: an inspection of the section to the lower left of the account’s obverse exhibits the same accounting structure. The initial case describes 12 apparent ‟three-year olds” (U4×3N57 TUR), each of whom is named in twelve following subcases. We note that not one of these names can be credibly assigned Sumerian ‟readings” that comport with the millennium of traditional naming practice in that language from the 3rd and 2nd millennia BC, and therefore that, despite all considerations of a benevolent master class allowing slaves to retain their native names, the identification of Sumerian as the language of these earliest Babylonian scribes, seen in so many treatments of the period by cuneiformists, is best taken with a grain of salt. See R. K. Englund, CDLJ 2009/4.

CDLI entry: P006268

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Babylonian Slaves: 15 (2015-02-07)

Slave accounts of the Late Uruk period (ca. 3350-3000 BC)

Checking MS 3035’s cases that combine numerical notations and non-numerical qualifiers, in particular the lines in the right-hand column of the text’s reverse surface with subtotals of named individuals recorded on the obverse, demonstrates nearly exactly the same designations as those encountered in the simpler, and much smaller Uruk accounts: adult ‘hoes,’ youngsters and infants.

CDLI entry: P006268

credit: rke

Babylonian Slaves: 14 (2015-02-06)

Slave accounts of the Late Uruk period (ca. 3350-3000 BC)

A much larger account in the Norwegian Schøyen collection adds, in terms of numbers, an entirely new dimension to the bookkeeping format witnessed in the previous two Uruk texts (the Schøyen text, MS 3035, derives from the antiquities market and is paralleled by only one other known text, copied by the Belgian Assyriologist Philippe Talon fifteen years ago but since gone underground). Here, some 32 apparent slaves with personal names are recorded in a single group of an account that totals 85 such individuals.

CDLI entry: P006268

credit: rke

Babylonian Slaves: 13 (2015-02-05)

Slave accounts of the Late Uruk period (ca. 3350-3000 BC)

Our second example of named indiviuals, also from Uruk (excavation number W 23999,1) may at first glance appear to be substantially more complex, but it is not. Eight individuals are recorded in the left-most column—and here qualified by the sign combination SAL KUR, natural enough given the fact the the right-hand column consists of two ‘lines,’ the first counting 5 SAL and the second 3 KUR. We note precisely the same format consisting of an initial sub-case with numerical notation and slave qualifier, this time gender, followed by subcases that again count individuals, but break SAL and KUR into apparent age categories, in the first line 4 women and 1 infant girl (‘ŠA3 TUR,’ possibly to be translated ‟new-born”), in the second 1 man and 2 infant boys (also ‘ŠA3 TUR’). And as in our previous text, these counts and qualifiers are followed by a number of sub-cases with only non-numerical signs, as many sub-cases as the preceding number, and each of these final sub-cases therefore contains the personal names of these individuals. The sign combinations thus isolated as personal names should assume a primary role in any attempt at identifying the linguistic affiliation of our earliest scribes (cf. R. K. Englund, CDLJ 2009/4).

CDLI entry: P004735

credit: rke

Babylonian Slaves: 12 (2015-02-04)

Slave accounts of the Late Uruk period (ca. 3350-3000 BC)

We may understand the structure of this Uruk text in the following way. The column to the left describes a group of (1 + 1 + 2 + 2 + 1 + 1 =) 8 counted individuals qualified by the sign conventionally read ŠAM2. A pictographic representation of grain and a grain scoop, the sign in later periods described exchanges of goods set in equivalent values, something like prices, early on using barley as a medium of agreed value, later copper and then the precious metal silver so well documented in trader accounts. We suspect a similar function is signaled by the sign in Late Uruk documents, and thus that here the eight individuals were bartered for on informal Babylonian markets.

But the really striking feature of this and a good number of related texts is what follows in the column to the right. Viewed syntactically, the column records 1-2 individuals (though not obvious with small quantities, the count was performed in the sexagesimal system) with the qualifications AL, ENa TUR, 1N57×U4 TUR, BULUG3, U2a A and ŠU. Several of these designations are terms well known to Sumerologists. TUR (a presumed pictogram of human breasts) representing young children (Sumerian dumu), 1N57×U4 representing “one year,” and AL (a picture of a type of hoe) representing “adult” (with later Sumerian reading maḫ2, this sign usually qualifies sexually mature domestic animals, but is also possibly an element of two personal names in the ED IIIa period, and is even a qualifier of the capacity unit gur [WF 76 rev. x 3]). Finally, ŠU will be associated by some with later šu(-gi4), “old one,” found in many herding accounts and laborer inventories.

Now each ‘line’ reads from left to right, and associates, with the lead cases, sets of sub-cases that always correspond in number to the numerical notation in the initiating case. If we innocently assign English interpretations to the non-numerical signs based solely on their pictographic referents, then the first ‘line’ reads ‟1 ‘hoe’ / long-young-bird”, while the third ‘line’ reads ‟2 one-year old children / big-swaddling / butteroil-6-bird-x.” Infants were designated with a complex sign consisting of the general time marker U4 (‘sun’ or ‘day[light]’) preceded by a number of strokes, representing a count of 360-day years (see. R. K. Englund, JESHO 31 [1988] 121-185). ‘Hoe’ was likely an archaic homonym—a rebus writing—for ‘adult male,’ while the following ‟words” can only have represented the given names of the numbered individuals.

CDLI entry: P003500

credit: rke

Babylonian Slaves: 11 (2015-02-03)

Slave accounts of the Late Uruk period (ca. 3350-3000 BC)

Our previous text represented an account of apparent Late Uruk individuals laconically described as SAL KUR. But one of the most striking features of the earliest written documents related to slavery is highlighted in this tablet unearthed by German excavators and now in Iraq’s National Museum, Baghdad. The format of this account—how the scribe set case dividing lines and how the cases relate with one another—and particularly sets of sign combinations that our investigations have determined represent different categories of humans otherwise generally qualified as SAL KUR, demonstrate that this text records a group of eight named individuals ranging from full-grown adult to a child of one year. They were, possibly, purchased as chattel slaves by the household of an Uruk grandee.

CDLI entry: P003500

credit: rke

Babylonian Slaves: 10 (2015-02-02)

Slave accounts of the Late Uruk period (ca. 3350-3000 BC)

This sign combination SAL KUR, originally representing female and male slave, respectively, in time came to designate only female slaves, Sumerian geme2. The KUR component of this sign (Sumerian: ‟mountain”) in texts dating to ca. 2600 BC occupied the triangular space bound by wedges of the sign SAL; two centuries later, KUR exploded to mark the three corners of that triangle, in subsequent periods returning to a space immediately following (or rather, in original orientation, below) the SAL sign. KUR as ‟mountain” has been taken by most specialists to refer to the homeland of the great majority of the non-native slave populations in ancient Mesopotamia, namely the Zagros range and associated highland regions of ancient Iran.

CDLI entry: P001684

credit: rke

Babylonian Slaves: 9 (2015-02-01)

Slave accounts of the Late Uruk period (ca. 3350-3000 BC)

Several centuries before a ruler in Kish commissioned the production of his royal inscription on alabaster described in the first five slides of our present theme of Babylonian slavery, records from the Late Uruk IV-III periods offer still earlier evidence of slave management in cuneiform records. This clay tablet from Uruk, first published in 1936 by the German Sumerologist and Uruk excavations epigraphist Adam Falkenstein (Archaische Texte aus Uruk [1936] no. 577), records, on the poorly preserved upper surface, smaller groups of individuals. On its opposite surface is a sexagesimal notation representing a minimum of 211 persons designated by the sign combination SAL KUR (female and male slave, respectively).

CDLI entry: P001684

credit: rke

Babylonian Slaves: 8 (2015-01-31)

Slave depictions of the Late Uruk period (ca. 3350-3000 BC)

Strikingly similar scenes of bound prisoners, victims of Babylonian raids into the Iranian highlands and surely as well destined for slavery, stretch well into the 4th millennium BC. Hans J. Nissen has offered a succinct description of such scenes incised on the surface of ancient cylinder seals:

A good example of the variability within a single glyptic theme category is presented by the so-called prisoners scene. Three different types of figures are distinguished in this frieze. The first one is a man in a static pose. His beard and the long spear he is holding as an apparent attribution of power signify that he was an important person. He apparently had a higher social rank than all the other figures represented in the scene. The rest of the scene is filled with a confusion of naked individuals which clearly form two separate groups. The first are figures standing in upright position, holding sticks or batons in their hands, some in a position as if prepared to strike. The others are cowering and scattered over the ground, their legs bent up to their stomachs, their arms tied together behind their backs. Only in a few instances do we find a standing figure that does not seem to be holding a weapon, who thus, judging from his cowering posture and the shackles around his wrists, apparently belonged to the latter group. The context is quite clearly one of a victorious group celebrating its conquest of an enemy, the bearded figure manifestly representing the leader of the triumphant party.

(from Nissen, Damerow & Englund, Archaic Bookkeeping [Chicago 1993] pp. 15-16 & 157, with fig. 15).

Babylonian Slaves: 7 (2015-01-30)

Slave depictions of the Old Akkadian period (ca. 2340-2200 BC)

In even starker clarity, the famous Nasiriye stele, now in the National Museum of Iraq in Baghdad, depicts a column of prisoners of war being led away—bound and in long-stocks and led by helmeted Akkadian troops. Done in the same fine alabaster as our first artifact from Kish, this stele in fact consists of at least three known fragments, two of which are in Baghdad (IM 55639 & 59205), and one in Boston’s Museum of Fine Arts (MFA 66.893, purchased by the MFA from E. Borowski; cf P. Amiet, L’art d’Agade au Musée du Louvre [Paris 1976] p. 27, fig. 19).

Babylonian Slaves: 6 (2015-01-29)

Slave depictions of the Old Akkadian period (ca. 2340-2200 BC)

A fragment of a stele from Susa in the Louvre Museum (Sb 3) depicts the driving of apparent prisoners of war to their ultimate destiny; stripped, with hands bound behind them, the men are pushed along by an armed soldier of the armies of Sargon. This and two other stone Louvre fragments were carried off to Susa in the 12th century BC by an Elamite king.

Babylonian Slaves: 5 (2015-01-28)

An alabaster plaque with an inscription of a ruler (ca. 2700 BC)

The provenience of this text is indicated in its final lines:

    The stone (monument) created at Kish,
   (whose) protective genius? is Zababa.

Ancient Kish, modern Tell Uhaimir in Iraq’s Babil Governorate, is a massive mound some 20 km east of Babylon; the target of excavations dating back more than a century, this city stood at the crossroads between a Sumerian south and an Akkadian north in Mesopotamia, and was, judging from later royal inscriptions, the home of a series of rulers whose power extended over much of the region. It is therefore understandable that such a commemorative royal text would have originated in that city. As Steinkeller has underscored (RA 107, 144), Zababa was the tutelary divinity of Kish and, fittingly, a god of war.

CDLI entry: Q004867

credit: rke

Babylonian Slaves: 4 (2015-01-27)

An alabaster plaque with an inscription of a ruler (ca. 2700 BC)

The inscription of this piece is, as was apparently the case with all texts of the 4th and 3rd millennia BC, as well as the first half of the 2nd, written and read in cases from top to bottom, and in ‟lines” or columns from right to left. The 4th through 11th cases of the text’s first (topmost) column, as posted by Daniel A. Foxvog, director of CDLI’s Mesopotamian Royal Inscriptions initiative, give an idea of the formulaic structure of the prisoner inventory:

   (from) Eb: 2400 prisoners;
   (from) Mar-ašdar: 1800 prisoners;
   (from) Uḫ’a: 3000 prisoners;
   (from) Aša: 1500 prisoners;

and so on through five more columns of text. If interpreted correctly and assuming these are valid numbers, the total of counted prisoners would have exceeded 50,520 individuals and possibly reached as many as a staggering 83,000, without speculating about what stood in the missing third of this inscription.

CDLI entry: Q004867

credit: rke

Babylonian Slaves: 3 (2015-01-26)

An alabaster plaque with an inscription of a ruler (ca. 2700 BC)

Even more striking than the well-modeled bas-relief of the artifact’s flat surface is the fact that it carried on its opposite, convex side an inscription that is the earliest of its kind in ancient Mesopotamia. Most of this inscription is taken up with the formulaic listing of placenames, followed by sexagesimally counted persons represented by the sign LU2 (Sumerian ‟human,” ‟man”) crossed by the sign EŠ2 (Sum. ‟rope”), credibly interpreted by Steinkeller to stand for ‟bound men,” or ‟prisoners.” This sign combination is in fact reminiscent of the designation SAG+MA that the Berlin Uruk Project participants Hans J. Nissen, Peter Damerow and Robert K. Englund understood to be ‟slaves bound by a cord.” We will visit the Late Uruk texts, in which this designation was found, in a set of slides to be presented later in our current series.

CDLI entry: Q004867

credit: rke

Babylonian Slaves2: 2 (2015-01-25)

An alabaster plaque with an inscription of a ruler (ca. 2700 BC)

Closer inspection of the artifact, measuring 32 × 31 cm height × width, and with a thickness of 5.7 cm, reveals the high quality of its translucent green alabaster, and the intricate craftsmanship of the stone artist. The originally hybrid piece will have sported inlay work depicting the beards of the warriors, possibly gold or lapis lazuli. Steinkeller (Revue d’Assyriologie 107 [2013] 131) speculates that one third of the original plaque is missing.

CDLI entry: Q004867

credit: rke

Babylonian Slaves: 1 (2015-01-24)

An alabaster plaque with an inscription of a ruler (ca. 2700 BC)

A spectacular new inscription edited by the Harvard Sumerologist Piotr Steinkeller (Revue d’Assyriologie 107 [2013] 131-157) appears to document an inventory of substantial numbers of humans described as “roped men” and interpreted by the author to represent prisoners of war bound for Babylonian slavery. The beautifully finished stone, part of an anonymous private collection, consists of two surfaces, the one flat with a bas-relief depicting two apparent warriors in standard early Sumerian profile (seen here), the other a slightly convex surface with an inscription in paleographic style that supports its ED I-II dating by the author. The artifact joins sixteen other inscriptions from the same period done on stone, and is the first in a series of cdli tablet slides dedicated to the documentation of pre-Christian slavery, or slavery-like relationships between Babylonian elites and the numerous chattel and corporate dependents they abused.

CDLI entry: Q004867

credit: rke

The Cotsen Collection at UCLA: 10 (2015-01-23)

This tablet contains a portion of the text known as “Goose and Raven,” a Sumerian fable from UCLA Library Special Collections.

Fables are a prominent part of Sumerian and Akkadian literature, and are often included in copies of the many proverb collections available to the scribal student in the 2nd millennium BC. The fables not only imparted practical advice, they also provided a type of rhetorical training for the students copying them. The fables known to us are “The Wren and the Elephant,” the “Series of the Fox,” and “The Heron and the Turtle.” Certain other fables are embedded in literary tales, and many more are probably lost. Still, the search for the origins of the genre of fable must be extended back to Mesopotamia.

This particular fable, featuring a conversation between a goose caught in a net and a raven, for whom the net was meant, is not entirely understood since its ending is not preserved. However, the two birds seem to be arguing over who is superior, while in the background a fowler’s wife plots to ensnare them, likely for the local market. The final outcome is unknown, but other examples from this genre often applaud cleverness, and the escape of one or both of the birds is probably intended. Though not always well understood, ancient fables demonstrate a variety of views on behavior—good and bad—held by the Mesopotamians. For more on Sumerian fables, see Edmund Gordon, “Sumerian Animal Provers and Fables,” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 12 (1958) 1-21 & 43-75.

CDLI entry: P388363

credit: jnw

The Cotsen Collection at UCLA: 9 (2015-01-22)

An ancient encyclopedia from Mesopotamia, Ḫar-ra = ḫubullu is a series of twenty-four “books” that record many of the elements of Mesopotamian society—agricultural, anthropological, economic, legal, and religious—in both Sumerian and Akkadian.

Mesopotamian scribes kept detailed lists of what made up their world, both physical and spiritual. These so–called lexical lists, already attested in the proto-cuneiform record from the 34th century BC, were created and maintained by the scribal schools. Young scribes would copy sections of these lists to practice their signs, as well as to familiarize themselves with various areas of technical vocabulary. The lexical lists cover such areas as deities, anatomy, omens, flora, fauna, and others of more grammatical nature.

Lexical lists such as this tablet from UCLA Library Special Collections provide invaluable lexical material to the modern researcher. They offer information not only on whole words, but also on sign readings and pronunciations. Their internal ordering by signs, spellings, categories, and hierarchies also reveal the many ways that Mesopotamians brought order to their world. The large series, called here Ḫar-ra = ḫubullu (Sumerian and Akkadian for “debt,” "interest loan”; Ḫar-ra is now commonly called Ura by specialists), is named after the first entry of this lexical series containing over 10,000 entries.

CDLI entry: P388265

credit: jnw

The Cotsen Collection at UCLA: 8 (2015-01-21)

This is a student’s doodle adorning a practice exercise for letter writing, dating from the Old Babylonian period (ca. 1900-1600 BC). It is from UCLA Library Special Collections, which contains a number of scribal school exercise tablets.

The student working on this tablet apparently became tired of practicing letter writing. Instead, he drew a fish and a goat on the reverse of his tablet. Examples of doodling from a time and place as remote as ancient Mesopotamia is a poignant reminder of the similarities in students’ attention spans throughout human history. The two animals were regularly eaten by the Mesopotamians, and reflect central parts of their economy. However, here the two animals are probably randomly chosen, and do not reflect a specific story or deities. Tablets depicting student doodles are rare, and provide a unique insight into Mesopotamian daily life.

On the obverse of the tablet the student has practiced his assignment two separate times. Each attempt was written with the tablet being oriented in an opposite manner as to top and bottom. Letter-writing was a common scribal exercise practiced in the schools of the Old Babylonian period.

CDLI entry: P273831

credit: jnw

The Cotsen Collection at UCLA: 7 (2015-01-20)

This text from UCLA Library Special Collections records the first twenty lines of a Sumerian scribal composition known as Schooldays. The tale highlights the exaggerated remembrance of the trials and tribulations of higher learning in 19th century Babylonia.

This composition records the experiences of a young scribe describing to his interested father the tribulations of his day at school. In Sumer, scribes were called dub-sar, “tablet writer,” and the school was known as e2-dub-ba-a, literally “House where tablets are passed out.” The text begins with the student showing to his father his “homework,” a tablet with lines copied out, and asking to be woken early in order to avoid a caning by the headmaster for tardiness. The text then relates the failings of the young scribe, especially in scribal technique, for which he is caned several times (indeed, even this excerpt tablet appears to have found the disfavor of some stern instructor!). The scribe’s father then invites the headmaster to dinner and implores him not to give up on his son. The text ends with the young scribe rejoicing at the completion of scribal school, having become a learned man at this juncture; he thereupon praises Nidaba, the goddess of scribalism, for his success.

The composition is meant to be humorous, and clearly was created by scribes recalling the tedium and intensity of scribal training. It is of interest that Nidaba’s blessing concerns a proper stylus and “good” copying skills. This points to one of the central tasks of the scribal school, the copying and preservation of lexical lists and literary compositions. It was through this method, accompanied by oral instruction, that students learned to write both Akkadian and Sumerian texts.

This fragment contains the first twenty lines of the composition. The first six read

   ‘Schoolboy, (where did you go?)’
   ‘I went to school.’
   ‘What did you do at school?’
   ‘I read my tablet, ate my lunch.
   I made my tablet, wrote it and finished it.’

CDLI entry: P388251

credit: jnw

The Cotsen Collection at UCLA: 6 (2015-01-19)

A lexical list recording the parts of the human body with their variations and medical afflictions ordered from head to toe. This large tablet is housed in UCLA Library Special Collections

The lexical series titled “ugu-mu” (“O, hy head!”) presents in descending order from head to toe the parts of the body, including bodily afflictions and associations, in Sumerian. The entries themselves are cast from the perspective of the speaker, thus the first few lines read, “my skull …my skull-cap, my head, my forehead,” etc. In this way a scribe would learn the parts of the body, sometimes also in conjunction with the medical maladies that afflicted them.

This particular exemplar is from the Old Babylonian period, and represents a major undertaking on the part of the scribe, evidenced by the size of the tablet (8 columns total). A tablet this size would probably have been kept among instructional materials of the school masters and assigned to less-advanced students to make copies of text subsections.

CDLI entry: P388333

credit: jnw

The Cotsen Collection at UCLA: 5 (2015-01-18)

A young scribe has finished his work, and has taken the time to doodle a picture of a human face with his fingernails.

This type of rounded tablet, known as a lentil, was used by the youngest scribes to practice, initially, individual wedges and sign shapes, then complex signs, and finally, short sentences. They are a hallmark of early scribal training. The student then moved on to larger, square tablets. On these the scribe practiced legal and economic writing. Often the scribe copied out sections from the large lexical lists produced by the Mesopotamian scribes to order and enumerate their world. Finally, moving to long, rectangular tablets, the scribes would practice literary compositions, eventually creating full copies of large literary texts and perhaps even composing new pieces. Tablet from UCLA Library Special Collections.

CDLI entry: P388295

credit: jnw

The Cotsen Collection at UCLA: 4 (2015-01-17)

A tablet in UCLA Library Special Collections, that compiles and records personal names that all begin with the element UR, a Sumerian word meaning "dog; servant, obedient one."

This tablet contains a long list of personal names beginning with the Sumerian word UR, which means “dog” and, by extension, “servant, obedient one.” Most of the personal names are of the form, “servant of (divine) so-and-so.” This type of appellative was very common in Sumerian culture, and was employed in all levels of society, from kings to slaves. The founder of the Third Dynasty of Ur, Ur-Namma, is a popular example, whose name means, “Servant of Namma.”

Students practiced these types of lists during each stage of scribal school, as evidenced by the range of tablet-types upon which such exercises appear. The reason behind this type of lexical exercise, however, is subject to modern conjecture. The lists may simply have been practice in popular, conventional naming styles in order to provide extensive repetition of a commonplace activity of scribes, that is, recording names in bureaucratic, legal, and commercial contexts. However, it may also have represented an attempt at classification of name types current in society at that time, though for what purpose beyond taxonomic desire remains elusive. Still, it may simply represent a desire to record and retain Sumerian names in an almost exclusively Akkadian society. Regardless, the list provides an interesting glimpse into the variety of exercises that scribes practiced during their training.

CDLI entry: P388290

credit: jnw

The Cotsen Collection at UCLA: 3 (2015-01-16)

An Old Babylonian (ca. 1900-1600 BC) copy of the lexical list Lu-azlag, which means "fuller" in Sumerian. The list records aspects of human professions, mentalities, and states.

This exemplar from UCLA Library Special Collections represents a student’s copy of various entries from a bilingual list of human professions that was popular in the Old Babylonian scribal schools, ca. 1900-1600 BC. The list, known by its incipit as lu2-azlag2, meaning “fuller,” describes not only professions, but also lists mental qualities, often of opposite meanings (fearful and fearless, truthful and lying, etc.), bodily characteristics (states of hearing, strength, etc.), and human activities (mourning, anointing, etc.). Moreover, artisans and professionals are often described by the tools and implements used in their crafts, rather than by their profession’s name. This is an innovation in the lexical tradition of Mesopotamia, and shows an increased penchant for abstraction, notably by means of metonymy. Scholars have also noted the inclusion of elements from the scholastic literature, namely the school debates between young scribes concerning their prowess in understanding Sumerian, calligraphy, and spelling.

CDLI entry: P388342

credit: jnw

The Cotsen Collection at UCLA: 2 (2015-01-15)

A multi-columned copy of the 3rd tablet of the series known as Ḫar-ra = ḫubullu, an encyclopedic lexical list from Mesopotamia that lists trees, bushes, and wooden items of various sorts. Part of the cuneiform collection of UCLA Library Special Collections.

The Mesopotamian scribes kept detailed lists of the components that made up their world, both physical and spiritual. These so-called lexical lists, which are already attested in the proto-cuneiform record, were created and maintained by the scribal schools. Young scribes would copy sections of these lists to practice their signs as well as to familiarize themselves with various areas of technical vocabulary. The lexical lists cover such areas as deities, anatomy, omens, flora, fauna, and others of more grammatical nature.

This tablet represents a sizeable collection of terms pertaining to wooden objects, be they trees or bushes, wooden tools such as plows and their constituent parts, or wooden objects such as wheels, rafters, and containers. The Sumerian word for wood is geš, and this term precedes each entry as an (unspoken) semantic indicator of the object type. This is a practice tablet recording various entries from the larger encyclopedia of wooden objects in the lexical list Ḫar-ra = ḫubullu commonly known by current specialists as “Ura”.

CDLI entry: P388265

credit: jnw

The Cotsen Collection at UCLA: 1 (2015-01-14)

A four-sided prism containing the Kesh Temple Hymn, ca. 1800 BC. Today’s entry introduces a series of slides highlighting the Cotsen cuneiform texts in the UCLA Library Special Collections.

This four-sided prism contains the Kesh Temple Hymn, a song that reaches back to the earliest exemplars of Sumerian literature, ca. 2500 BC. The hymn progresses in eight stanzas, each praising a different part of the temple. The first stanza depicts the god Enlil, head of the Sumerian pantheon, selecting and praising Kesh among all the other lands. The temple is then described as a representation of the cosmic order of the world itself, and is praised from top to bottom. The fourth stanza describes the interior of the sanctuary and its sacrifices. The fifth praises the divinities associated with Kesh: Ninḫursag, mother Earth, Nintu, the birth goddess, Šulpa’e, Ninḫursag’s consort and god of radiant youth, and Aššir, a young hero-divinity. The sixth and seventh stanzas describe the temple as a whole and its personnel, and finally the eighth stanza exhorts the people to approach and worship the temple. Each stanza ends with the refrain, “One as great as Kesh—has any man been (this) worthy? One as great as its hero, Aššir—has any mother ever borne him? One as great as its lady, Nintu—who has ever seen him?”

A video depicting the cuneiform texts in the UCLA Library Special Collections, created by Erin Flannery, is viewable on YouTube.

CDLI entry: P388262

credit: jnw

Chester Beatty Library: 5 (2015-01-13)

Offerings to deities and shrines; Neo-Babylonian period; CBL CT 127

This tablet contains two accounts for offerings to various deities and shrines. The first set of offerings is presented in tabular format and described as offerings of Sippar. Both offerings took place in the 19th year of the Neo-Babylonian king Nabopolassar.

Interesting is the last column, which gives the location where the offerings are being made. We find here various deities and temples or shrines.

The second offering, which was destined for the king himself, is less detailed and only states that seven sheep are offered.

CDLI entry: P469478

credit: kw

Chester Beatty Library: 4 (2015-01-12)

Sumerian proverb collection; Old Babylonian period; CBL CT 125

Wisdom texts comprise an important part not just of Sumerian but also Akkadian literature. The Mesopotamian textual heritage attests to a plentitude of proverbs (see B. Alster, Proverbs of Ancient Sumer, 1997). This fragment in the Chester Beatty Library written in a rather minuscule script contains a collection of Sumerian proverbs which deal with a human being.

Translating proverbs and transposing their idiomatic peculiarities into a modern language poses many difficulties.

CDLI entry: P469476

credit: kw

Chester Beatty Library: 3 (2015-01-11)

Dated letter regarding military operations; Old Babylonian period; CBL CT 123

Letters dating to the Old Babylonian period (ca. 1900-1600 BC) comprise a dense corpus of official and private communication. The Chester Beatty Library houses three such letters. The document at hand is a letter written the Babylonian king Ammi-saduqa. It is noteworthy, because it is one of the rare instances of a dated later; the date formula containing the year name for the 15th year of king Ammi-saduqa is written on its reverse. There is comparatively good evidence for royal letters in the Old Babylonian period. The most famous case are letters in the Šamaš-hazir archive from Larsa, among which many communications from Hammurabi of Babylon can be found.

The letter deals with a rumor of a certain Etel-pî-Marduk, who mediates a story that troops venture towards Sippar-Jahrurum. Ammi-saduqa himself orders the addressees to enforce the guards on the city wall and:

The city gate must not be opened as long as the sun has not risen. When the sun “stands”, it shall be closed!

But the king is also concerned with the well-being of the people and animals outside the city walls.

CDLI entry: P469474

credit: kw

Chester Beatty Library: 2 (2015-01-10)

Administrative text regarding furniture; Ur III period; CBL CT 089

This completely preserved four-column tablet kept in the Chester Beatty Library contains a long list of various kinds of furniture. The first section deals with stools (Sumerian: {gesz}gu-za) fashioned of wood and occasionally clad with bronze. This list is followed by footrests, beds, tables and other kinds of furniture.

The tablet’s subscript describes this administrative text as the (inventory of) possessions (nig2-gur11) of a certain Dadu. The tablet is not dated.

CDLI entry: P105800

credit: kw

Chester Beatty Library: 1 (2015-01-09)

Administrative letter; Ur III period; CBL CT 082

The CDLI-database currently accounts for 727 letters dating to the Ur III period (ca. 2100-2000 BC). This letter in the Chester Beatty Library originates probably from ancient Girsu, one of the administrative centers in the core area of the Ur III state. It is addressed to a certain Dugamu. The majority of the letters known from the end of the third millennium BC are letter-orders and therefore fulfil an administrative function. In this short letter-order the addressee is requested to give 3,000 liters of bitumen to a certain Lugal-nirgal. On the reverse the text implies that this bitumen shall be exchanged by an ox: "Lu-dingira told me 'Let me put Ea's ox in its place for you."

CDLI entry: P105793

credit: kw

Ur III dairies: 10 (2015-01-08)

Ur III dairies accounts reflect the administrative structure of oikos households in the 21st century BC

The level of bookkeeping represented by TCL 2, 5499, MVN 15, 108, SET 130, UET 3, 1215, and other accounts reflects professional relationships among the various actors in the provinces of the Ur III empire ruled from Ur. The cattle recorded in these texts are essentially to be considered property of the state represented in Umma, for instance, by the “governor” (Sumerian ensi2); although tended by individual herders, the “large cattle manager” (šuš3) was responsible for overseeing the books of the herds registered in the debits section of the accounts, and for collecting and transferring the dairy products or their silver or other equivalents to the household of the governor. Should the cattle manager have remitted silver or dairy products to such higher officials as Lukalla or Ur-Šulpa’e in Umma province, these transactions are nonetheless to be understood as having gone through the office of the governor, since they are then dealt with in the books of these latter officials as property of his household, of course not of the cattle manager himself. Ultimately, the possession of all such goods was ceded to the king in Ur and formed the basis for taxes imposed on the individual provinces by the royal bookkeepers.

credit: rke

Ur III dairies: 9 (2015-01-07)

Four-column dairies account in the collection of Allegheny College, Meadville, Pennsylvania.

MVN 15, 108, is a large consolidated account concerning the activities of an official named Atu, supervisor (Sumerian šuš3) of cattle herders in Umma. The milk cows themselves are never mentioned in the text, but all products and the names of all persons make its identification as a major document of Umma dairy herding certain. The products called i3-nun (“butter oil”) and ga-UDgunû (“kašk cheese”) are listed in pairs, always divisible by 5 and 7.5, respectively, thus indicating the number of adult cows in the herds supervised by known cattle herders (Sumerian unu3). The text mirrors the structure known generally of Ur III accounts:

1) DEBITS = sag-nig2-gur11-ra(k)
a) si-i3-tum = la2-ia3 of the preceding accounting period, expressed in standardized values
b) (ugu2) state property given over to supervisors as “investment” converted into standardized values
2) CREDITS = ša3-bi-ta ... zi-ga-am3, delivered real products and real work and allowances converted into standardized values
3) BALANCE: debits minus credits
If debits are greater than credits, a deficit la2-ia3 will appear as si-i3-tum in the debits section of the following account, or be otherwise dispensed of
If credits are greater than debits, a surplus diri will appear as diri (nig2-ka9 aka) in the credits section of the following account, or otherwise be dispensed of
4) COLOPHON: “Account (nig2-ka9 aka) concerning ... ,” Date

The account was edited in R. Englund, “Regulating Dairy Productivity in the Ur III Period,” Orientalia 64 (1995) 403-425.

CDLI entry: P118388.

credit: rke

Ur III dairies: 8 (2015-01-06)

Accounting for of the cattle manager Ur-e’e in the southern Mesopotamian city Umma (ca. 2040 BC).

As in the case of dairy cows, the nanny goats in Ur III accounts formed the basis for calculations of deliveries of butter oil and kašk cheese that were processed from their milk. Where adult cows in the books were equivalent to 5 and 7.5 liters of the two products per year, respectively, nannies should result in the delivery by herders to their owners of 0.5 and 0.75 liters per year, preserving the relationship of 2:3 between oil and cheese. The Rosicrucian Egyptian Museum account RC 930 records herds of goats that contained from 6 to 73 nannies and thus herds of upwards of 100-150 animals that accompanied the much larger sheep herds as they were driven from winter (lowland) to summer (highland) pasture. See R. Englund Orientalia 64 (1995) 377-429, for a description of general dairies accounting terminology in the Ur III period (to this text, pp. 398-403):

   i3-nun = butter oil,
   ga-UDgunû = dry cheese,
   si-i3-tum = remaining [deficit of the previous accounting year],
   unu3 = large cattle herder,
   ga-gazi = sumac? cheese,
   ga še(x)-a = "yellowed milk,"
   ugu2 = “debits”,
   la2-ia3 = deficit.

CDLI entry: P129539.

credit: rke

Ur III dairies: 7 (2015-01-05)

A large (427 lines) account of the cattle manager Ur-e’e in the southern Mesopotamian city Umma (ca. 2040 BC).

This 13-column tablet, recording the activities of the Umma cattle manager Ur-e’e during the years Amar-Suen 2-4, was published by the eminent University of Minnesota Sumerologist Tom Jones in 1961 (Sumerian Economic Texts no. 130) and was the subject of collations and re-editions by M. Cooper and J. Snyder (ASJ 8 [1986] 318), J. Carnahan and K. Hillard (ASJ 15 [1993] 207-210), and R. Englund (Orientalia 64 [1995] 398-403). The tablet, part of the substantial cuneiform collection of the Rosicrucian Egyptian Museum in San Jose, California, describes Ur-e’e’s supervision of imposing numbers of sheep and goats and the deliveries of their products, dairy oil and dry cheese on the one hand, and wool and goat hair on the other.

CDLI entry: P129539.

credit: rke

Ur III dairies: 6 (2015-01-04)

The growth of the herd described in AO 5499 over ten years, together with dairy products expected from the excess milk harvested from adult cows.

This illustration offers a glimpse into the developments within a hypothetical Drehem dairy cattle herd over a period of ten years, as recorded in the six-column account AO 5499 in the collection of the Louvre Museum. To the upper left of the full illustration are the four adult cows around which the herd was built. The herd owner requires the addition each year of one calf for each two adult cows, thus giving a total of six animals in year one. The author of this theoretical account followed the unlikely presumption that the first birth was of a bull calf, the second a heifer calf, the third a bull calf and so on throughout the text. In the succeeding year, the calves are weaned and move on to yearlings, in the 3rd year to two-year-olds and so on until, on the left, they join their mothers as adult, bearing cows, or to the right age into full plowing-strength oxen if castrated, breeding bulls if not. Further, the excess milk—milk not fed to unweaned calves—is processed to dairy oil and dry cheese (kašk) and delivered, again according to this theoretical account, at a rate of 5 and 7.5 liters per cow-year, respectively. The ratio of what was called “yellowed milk” (Sumerian ga še(x)-a) to butter oil was 20:1, so that we may assume that this “yellowed milk” had an oil content of 5% and thus was preprocessed in some way to enrich the oil from an expected average of ca. 3% for healthy cows in antiquity.

CDLI entry: P131589.

credit: rke

Ur III dairies: 5 (2015-01-03)

Totals of the dairy account AO 5499 indicate the numbers of cows and bulls or oxen together with all theoretical deliveries of dairy products for Shulgi 39-49 (ca. 2050-2040 BC).

At the conclusion of the ten-year period of this theoretical account, the ideal herd that began with four adult cows and two calves had, based on the Ur III norm of adding to the managed herd one calf for each two adult cows, grown to 32 head. Any additional calves would have been ceded to the herders of this enterprise. During the ten years, these herders were, in addition to the calves added to the herd, to have delivered to the herd owner a total of 275 liters of butter oil and 412.5 liters of kašk cheese. Following the implicit exchange rate of ten liters of butter oil and 150 liters of kašk cheese per shekel of silver, our accountant further registered a silver equivalent of 27.33 and 2.75 shekels of silver, respectively, for the two products. A shekel weighed ca. 8.5 grams.

CDLI entry: P131589.

credit: rke

Ur III dairies: 4 (2015-01-02)

A subsection of the dairy account AO 5499 records the herd size and required dairy product deliveries for Shulgi 45 (ca. 2045 BC).

The theoretical herd consists in Shulgi’s 45th regnal year of 20 animals, differentiated by gender and age. Delivery norms for dairy cows were based on a calculation of 5 sila3 (ca. 5 liters) of butter oil and 7.5 sila3 of kašk cheese per adult cow. The products listed at the bottom of this section were then the equivalents of 6 milk cows and not 7 as registered here; these products were therefore, naturally enough, calculated based on the count of the previous year that indeed showed 6 adult cows. Bull calves and oxen were eventually culled from dairy herds and put to the plows of the large households in which the dairy herds were situated.

CDLI entry: P131589.

credit: rke

New Year's Day: 2014 (2015-01-01)

Happy New Year

The Sumerian New Year was known as za3 mu, “edge of the year,” and, celebrated with the Babylonian Akitu festival, fell on the day of the spring equinox. The term is best know from Ur III period references to a special ration of barley dispensed to dependent laborers. Nonetheless, we offer an example of some of the preparations done in the capital city of Ur three months in advance of the occasion, on 1 January 2015 BC—or thereabouts.

   8 gur (ca. 2400 liters) of smoked fish,
   as food for the female and male slaves
   for the new year (festival),
   from the house-of-sealed (goods)
   did Ur-Šulpae
   month: “Šu-eša,”
   year: “Ibbi-Suen, king of Ur, erected
      Ur’s Big-Wall in Nippur.”

   Publication: UET 3, 1303
   Museum number: UM 47-29-20
   (University of Pennsylvania)
   Date: Ibbi-Suen 6 ix

CDLI entry: P137628

credit: rke

Ur III dairies: 3 (2014-12-31)

A large account from Drehem housed in the Louvre Museum.

A full photographic representation of the artifact AO 5499 was created by Klaus Wagensonner using a Reflective Transformation Imaging workstation developed by the Universities of Oxford, and Southampton, UK. To the left is the obverse surface of the account surrounded by images of the tablet’s four edges, to the right the reverse surface with concluding subsections documenting the last three years of the herd’s growth, and in the left-most column totals of cattle and dairy products.

CDLI entry: P131589.

credit: rke

Ur III dairies: 2 (2014-12-30)

A large account from Drehem housed in the Louvre Museum.

This artifact with the designation AO 5499 is one of the most remarkable documents in the collection of Louvre’s Department of Near Eastern Antiquities. The six-column tablet from Drehem, the tribute and accounting center of the neo-Sumerian empire, contains a theoretical exercise documenting the potential growth and income, in dairy products, of a herd of cattle over a period of the last ten years of the Ur III king Šulgi (ca. 2050-2040 BC). The account was (re-)edited in R. Englund, “Regulating Dairy Productivity in the Ur III Period,” Orientalia 64 (1995) 377-429.

CDLI entry: P131589.

credit: rke

Ur III dairies: 1 (2014-12-29)

Pre-industrial production of dairy products and the contents of raw milk

Raw milk in ancient Mesopotamia, with very limited availability of refrigeration, was processed into water-free butter oil and a fat-free cheese generally known today as “kašk” in Syria and Lebanon, “baql” in Iraq, and “ekt” on the Arabian peninsula. Both products could be stored, without fear of rancidity, for much longer than modern butter or fatty cheeses. In the following days, we will be presenting a number of accounts of the Ur III period (ca. 2100-2000 BC) that helped to clarify the technology and accounting procedures employed to manage the dairy production of cows and nanny goats, but apparently not of ewes.

credit: rke

John Rylands Library: 8 (2014-12-28)

A balbale-song to Ninurta; ; John Rylands Library, University of Manchester, UK; JRL 0925.

The John Rylands Library, though Ur III accounts form the major part, also keeps a nice bunch of Sumerian literature. Among these texts is a song to the warrior god Ninurta (bal-bal-e dnin-urta-kam). The second manuscript belonging to this short composition is housed in the Arkeoloji Müzeleri in Istanbul (P345193).

The text was published by Farouk N. H. Al-Rawi and Jeremy Black (“A balbale of Ninurta, god of fertility,” ZA 90, 2000). The composition uses in its final section (lines 24-31) a stock strophe widely employed in Sumerian literature, interpreted by Ferrara as “topos of plenitude” (A. J. Ferrara, “Topoi and stock-strophes in Sumerian literary traditions: some observations, part I,” JNES 54 [1995] 81ff.). These lines read in translation:

Through him, carp floods are made plentiful in the river.
Through him, fine grains are made to grow in the fields.
Through him, carp are maid plentiful in the lagoons.
Through him, dead and fresh reed are made to grow in the reed thickets.
Through him, fallow deer and wild sheep are made plentiful in the forests.
Through him,
mašgurum trees are made to grow in the high desert.
Through him, syrup and wine are made plentiful in the watered gardens.
Through him, long life is made to grow in the palace.

CDLI entry: P355689

credit: kw

John Rylands Library: 7 (2014-12-27)

Clay nail with early Old Babylonian inscription; John Rylands Library, University of Manchester, UK; JRL 1094.

The early Old Babylonian king commemorates on this clay nail the building of the stronghold of Isin (bad3-gal i3-si-inki-na). The text is inscribed twice: a two-column version is found on top of the nail, and it runs in one column around the nail’s shaft (see Farouk N. H. Al-Rawi, “Cuneiform Inscriptions in the Collections of the John Rylands Library, University of Manchester,” Iraq 62 [2000] 34 no. 76).

CDLI entry: P430893

credit: kw

John Rylands Library: 6 (2014-12-26)

Cone-shaped cylinder bearing Neo-Babylonian building inscription; John Rylands Library, University of Manchester, UK; JRL 1096.

Due to the long reign of the Babylonian ruler Nebuchadnezzar II (605-562 BC) we nowadays have quite a substantial amount of royal/building inscriptions at our disposal. These texts commemorate extensive building projects all over the neo-Babylonian empire, but in particular in the capital city Babylon (for general remarks on his inscriptions now R. Da Riva, The Neo-Babylonian Royal Inscriptions. An Introduction, GMTR 4 [2008] 110ff.).

The well-preserved clay barrel in the John Rylands Library contains three columns of text. The inscription deals with the restoration and rebuilding of the temple of Lugal-Marada (i.e., Ninurta) at the city of Marad. The text was recently published by Farouk N.H. al-Rawi (“Cuneiform Inscriptions in the Collections of the John Rylands Library, University of Manchester,” Iraq 62 [2000] 35-39 no. 78).

CDLI entry: P430895

credit: kw

Christmas Day: 1 (2014-12-25)

25 December 2014

We take this opportunity to wish all a Merry Christmas.

CDLI entry: P234784

credit: rke

John Rylands Library: 5 (2014-12-24)

Two parts united; large Ur III account from Girsu found in the British Museum and the John Rylands Library, University of Manchester, UK(BM 13650 + JRL 881).

Not infrequently, two or more fragments join together that are kept in different collections. In this case, the upper half of a large account dating to the Ur III period (ca. 2100-2000 BC) is part of the collections of the British Museum. The lower half, on the other hand, is nowadays kept in Manchester. Both fragments were imaged separately and joined together in Photoshop.

CDLI entry: P108388

credit: kw

John Rylands Library: 4 (2014-12-23)

Large Ur III account from Umma; John Rylands Library, University of Manchester, UK; JRL 263.

This large Ur III account is almost completely preserved. The tablet was written in the 3rd year of the Ur III ruler Amar-Suen. It deals with the planning of barley rations to the working personnel at a place called Babaz (probably near Puzrish-Dagan). The text gives important information on young castrated workers (Sumerian amar-KUD) who belonged to a lower social stratum of the Ur III state (ca. 2100-2000 BC). This account has been treated by K. Maekawa ("Animal and Human Castration in Sumer. Part II: Human Castration in the Ur III Period," Zinbun 16 [1980] 37ff.).

CDLI entry: P107777

credit: kw

John Rylands Library: 3 (2014-12-22)

Pyramidal-shaped sealed label from Umma; John Rylands Library, University of Manchester, UK; JRL 0872.

The John Rylands Library keeps three of these peculiar labels. 69 such labels from Ur III Umma are known so far (see R. Laurito, A. Mezzasalma and L. Verderame, "Texts and Labels: A Case Study from Neo-Sumerian Umma," SAOC 62 [2008] 99ff.). These labels form a coherent group in particular because of their standardized shape and the mentioned officials. They deal with monthly accounts of regular deliveries (sa2-du11) and are always sealed. JRL 872 is a well-preserved example of this group. Two officials sealed the surface with their seals (best seen on the uninscribed bottom side). The upper seal belongs to a certain Ur-Nungal, the seal at the bottom to Lu-kalla. Regarding the labels' purpose, it has been argued that they were attached to containers carrying accounts for either a month or a year.

CDLI entry: P108379

credit: kw

John Rylands Library: 2 (2014-12-21)

A well-preserved manuscript of the Sumerian tale of the hero Gilgamesh and a king of Kish named Agga, part of the John Rylands Library, University of Manchester, UK

This tablet is one of the few examples of Sumerian literature in the JRL, Manchester. The manuscript originally contained the whole composition of 115 lines, which ends in the doxology “Oh Gilgamesh, lord of Kulaba, praising you is sweet.” Sumerian literature includes quite a few tales about early kings from Uruk, who occur in the ‘Sumerian King List’ as well. Besides several tales about Gilgamesh (that are quite different from the later Akkadian tradition culminating in the Standard Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic), we have several compositions dealing with Lugalbanda and Enmerkar and their deeds.

Gilgamesh and Agga” is the only example of the Old Babylonian Gilgamesh tales that draws on historical figures, for a king Agga of Kish is known from contemporary inscriptions. The composition has been cited by various specialists, most notably Thorkild Jacobsen, as evidence for the early developement of democratic institutions in Mesopotamia, even if clad in often formulaic literature. It should be noted, however, that all known manuscripts of the tale are from the Old Babylonian period (ca. 1900-1600 BC) and therefore much later than the posited reign of Gilgamesh in the early 3rd millennium.

CDLI entry: P430840

credit: kw

John Rylands Library: 1 (2014-12-20)

“Send him to Kish urgently”: an Old Babylonian letter from Etel-pi-Marduk to his superior

This letter, a part of the cuneiform collection of the John Rylands Library, University of Manchester, UK (JRL 929), was written by a certain Etel-pi-Marduk (known as addressee and sender from numerous letters in different collections) to his superior. Letters of this period start with a stereotypical formula (“To [ADDRESSEE] speak, thus [SENDER]”). After this formula we have, in most instances, a blessing. This particular letter is noteworthy since it has a fairly long greeting that reads, in translation, as follows:

May the gods Shamash and Marduk keep you healthy for all time. May the god, your protector, provide you with good things. Regarding your well-being I have written (to you). May your well-being last before Shamash and Marduk.

The body of the letter is, in contrast, quite short. Etel-pi-Marduk asks his superior to give rations to a scribe and his colleague, and to immediately send them off to Kish.

CDLI entry: P430839

credit: kw

Cuneiform building plans: 6 (2014-12-19)

Clay tablet dating to the Ur III period (ca. 2050 BC) located in the Semitic Museum, Harvard University (SM 1913.02.183). The text’s drawing and inscription appear to register the building lot of an official named Lu-maḫ.

A transcription of the hand drawing on the left is offered to the right. The calculations of the two incised rectangular surfaces are straightforward. Using the values 1 ninda (ca. 6m) = 12 cubits (Sumerian kuš3) for linear measurements, and 1 ninda x 1 ninda = 1 sar (ca. 36 sq m; sar is literally “garden”) = 60 shekels (Sum. gin2) for areas, the upper surface is 1 x 1.25 ninda = 1.25 sar, and, using the standard Bablyonion surface calculation rule of multiplying the average length of opposing sides of irregular rectangles, the lower surface is 2.33 x (2.75 + 2.5)/2 = 6.125 sar (ca. 220.5 sq m). These areas would correspond to the expected lot sizes of a substantial estate. (The numerical notations to the right may have something to do with calculations of the two surfaces divided by the interior vertical line in the lower rectangle.) Primary publication: Edzard, Dietz Otto, JCS 16 (1962) 81 HSM 7500.

CDLI entry: P111942

credit: rke

Cuneiform building plans: 5 (2014-12-18)

Statue B of Gudea (ca. 2100 BC) depicts the Sumerian ruler seated on a throne, a contruction plan for his restoration work on the great city temple “House-of-Fifty: White-Thunderbird” on his lap. Excavated at Telloh, ancient Girsu, and located in the Louvre Museum, Paris (AO 2).

Gudea’s fascination with the construction of this monumental building (ca. 2100 BC) is very well documented in the excavation record, including the most extensive Sumerian inscription known to date, describing the feat (his Cylinders A-B); a series of inscribed statues such as this one with similar, though smaller inscriptions; and many thousands of clay cones and bricks with short commemorative texts that represent excerpts from the larger inscriptions. A selection of publications of Statue B: Edzard, Dietz Otto, RIME 3/1.1.7, St B (1997); Steible, Horst, FAOS 9/1 (1991) 156-179, and 9/2 (1991) 6-38; Heinrich, Ernst & Seidl, Ursula, MDOG 98 (1967) 31, no. 8. For Mesopotamian temples, see Heinrich, Ernst & Seidl, Ursula, Die Tempel und Heiligtümer im alten Mesopotamien (Berlin 1982).

CDLI entry: P232275

credit: rke

Cuneiform building plans: 4 (2014-12-17)

House plan from the Ur III period (ca. 2050 BC) located in the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin, Germany (VAT 7031). The drawing represents a traditional central-court style private home.

The plans for this private home from the Ur III period (ca. 2100-2000 BC) call for one exterior door leading to an entry with rooms off to either side, and one interior door leading to the central courtyard, probably without roof, to let in daylight and fresh air. From this courtyard the occupants accessed three further rooms. At 7 x 12 cubits = 21 sq m, the courtyard is the largest interior surface of the home; next largest is the room to the left of the entry, with 13.33 x 5 cubits = 16.67 sq m; then that at the top right corner with 13 x 5 cubits = 16.25 sq m; the entry with 12 x 5 cubits = 15 sq m; the upper left corner room with 10! x 5 cubits = 12.5 sq m; the room to the right off the courtyard with 7 x 5 cubits = 8.75 sq m; and finally the room to the right of the entry, with 5 x 5 cubits = 6.25 sq m. Based on a wall thickness of 1 cubit, the house in total appears to have been drawn up for an interior area of 24 x 19 cubits = 114 sq m. Primary publication: Schneider, Nikolaus, OrSP 47-49 (1930) 504.

CDLI entry: P125392

credit: rke

Cuneiform building plans: 3 (2014-12-16)

The two Ashmolean Museum fragments Ashm 1911-238 & 239 appear to be part of a larger tablet, describing a substantial building measuring some 20x25 m.

The left half of a floor plan from the Ur III period (ca. 2100-2000 BC) appears preserved on two fragments in the Ashmolean Museum (see the previous entry). Measurements of the outer walls and the inner rooms are given in “cubits” (Sumerian kuš3, ca. 50 cm) and fractions of cubits, and ninda = 12 cubits, or about 6m. It appears that the edges of both fragments, said to be from Umma, were evened out to give the appearance of complete texts and therefore add to their purchase price.

Room 1
   1 1/2 ninda less 1 “fist” (1/3 cubit), the length;
   11 cubits, the width;

Room 2
   1 ninda 2 cubits 2 “fists”, the length;
   4 cubits 1 “open-hand” (1/2 cubit), the width;

Room 3
   1 ninda 5 cubits 1 “fist” the length;
   4 cubits 1 “open-hand”, the width;

Room 4
   11 cubits the length;
   6 cubits the width;

Room 5
   1 running ninda 2 cubits the length;
   5 cubits the width;

Room 6
   n ... the length;
   n ... the width;

Room 7
   10 cubits ... the length;
   n ... the width;

Room 8
   n ... the length;
   n ... the width;

Room 9
   n ... the length;
   3 cubits the width;

rest broken

CDLI entries: P142749-P142750

credit: rke

Cuneiform building plans: 2 (2014-12-15)

The preserved upper left corner of a plan for a large building from the 21st century BC, now in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, UK (Ashm 1911-238). The image includes shots of the artifact’s edges; since tablets were symmetrical, we estimated we are looking at a quarter of the full text.

This floor plan from the Ur III period (ca. 2100-2000 BC) was drawn in preparation of the construction of a large building. Measurements of the outer walls and the inner rooms are given in “cubits” (Sumerian kuš3, ca. 50cm) and fractions of cubits, and ninda = 12 cubits, or about 6m. Original publication: Donald, Trevor, JSS 7 (1962) 184; see further Heinrich, Ernst & Seidl, Ursula, MDOG 98 (1967) 32 no. 9, and for Mesopotamian palace architecture generally, Heinrich, Ernst, Die Paläste im alten Mesopotamien (Berlin 1984).

Room 1 (upper left)
   1 1/2 ninda less 1 “fist” (1/3 cubit), the length;
   11 cubits, the width;

Room 2a (middle left)
   1 ninda 2 cubits 2 “fists”, the length;
   4 cubits 1 “open-hand” (1/2 cubit), the width;

Room 2b (lower left)
   ... “fist” the length;
   4 cubits 1 “open-hand” (1/2 cubit), the width;

Room 3 (middle right)
   10 cubits ...;

CDLI entry: P142749

credit: rke

Cuneiform building plans: 1 (2014-12-14)

A building plan from the 21st century BC with measurements based on 3 cubit-thick outer walls and central room niche walls, otherwise 2 cubit-thick inner walls; tablet in the John Rylands Library, University of Manchester, UK.

This floor plan from the Ur III period (ca. 2100-2000 BC) was drawn in preparation of the building of a traditional temple consisting of a central nave with aisles along either side. Measurements of the outer walls and the inner rooms are given in “cubits” (Sumerian kuš3, ca. 50 cm) and ninda = 12 cubits, or about 6 m. Original publication: Donald, Trevor, JSS 7 (1962) 184; see further Heinrich, Ernst & Seidl, Ursula, MDOG 98 (1967) 32 no. 9, and for Mesopotamian temples generally, Heinrich & Seidl, Die Tempel und Heiligtümer im alten Mesopotamien (Berlin 1982).

The side rooms are each 6 cubits (ca. 3m) wide, with varying lengths described in the text, while the rooms of the central nave are 10 cubits wide. To account for the width and length of the entire building, the outer and the central room niche walls must have been 3 cubits thick, while other inner walls were just 2.

CDLI entry: P112404

credit: rke

Bricks: 14 (2014-12-13)

A modern brick with a stamped inscription of Saddam Hussein, in situ in Babylon.

The brick here was photographed in situ in the wall of the palace of the neo-Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzer II in Babylon, restored on orders of the former President of Iraq, Saddam Hussein, in the mid-1980s. Much in the same tenor as is seen in brick inscriptions from Ur III dynasts four millennia earlier, the inscription reads: “In the era of the victorious Saddam Hussein, President of the Republic—may God preserve him!—Great Protector of Iraq, Restorer of its Renaissance and of its Civilization, took place the third rebuilding of the city of Babel. (In) 1309 AH = 1989 AD took place the rebuilding of this palace built by King Nebuchadnezzar II in 605-630 (sic) BC” (translation courtesy of Michael Fishbein, UCLA). The site of Babylon is now being restored to its original, pre-Saddam state of preservation.

credit: rke

Bricks: 13 (2014-12-12)

An Ur III period (ca. 2100-2000 BC) brick with an inscription of the king, in situ in Ur.

The brick here with a stamp inscription of the king Amar-Suen (ca. 2050 BC) rests in situ in the wall of a royal building in the neo-Sumerian capital Ur. Such bricks would have been covered over with a protective layer of plaster and consequently the inscriptions themselves hidden from public view; they were thus messages from the kings to the gods, this example to Enlil, the chief executive of the Sumerian pantheon with seat in distant Nippur.

CDLI entry: P429412

credit: rke

Bricks: 12 (2014-12-11)


Based on its form, and registration in the the collection of the University of Pennsylvania’s Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, the brick here was manufactured in the mid-first millennium BC, though with the footprint of a child.

CDLI entry: P461400

credit: rke

Bricks: 11 (2014-12-10)

Dogs, take three: 19th century Eshnunna.

Always avoiding the disrespectful positioning of dog paw prints directly on the stamp inscription of the city ruler, the brick maker of this example found in the collection of the Hearst Museum of Anthropology, University of California at Berkeley, set his best friend’s well-defined paws below and to the right of the text dedicated to the Eshnunna governor Ur-Ningešzida (“Beloved of Tišpak, governor Eshnunna”). Fourteen bricks with this inscription are currently registered through the CDLI.

CDLI entry: P247874

credit: rke

Bricks: 10 (2014-12-09)

Dogs, take two: Nebuchadnezzar II.

Fifteen centuries after the reign of the Ur III king Ur-Namma, brickmakers still kept their loyal charges at their sides. The brick here, kept in the collection of the University of Pennsylvania’s Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology (Philadelphia), was impressed with the stamp of the best known neo-Babylonian sovereign Nebukhadnezzar II (“King of Babylon, provider of Esagila, and Ezida, first seed of Nabupolassar, king of Babylon”) and bears witness to another apparent positioning of the front paws of a proud owner.

CDLI entry: P461401

credit: rke

Bricks: 9 (2014-12-08)

Dogs will be dogs.

The brick here from the capital Ur and today found in the Middle Eastern collection of the British Museum (BM 137495, accessioned 1935-01-12, 116; see Douglas Frayne, RIME 3/, ex. 18) was impressed with the stamp of the founder of the Ur III dynasty (text: “Ur-Namma, king of Ur, man who built the house of Nanna”) before a dog in the workplace hopped—or was stationed by his proud owner—onto the soft clay with his front paws, leaving well-defined pad and claw marks (a similar brick is known in the University of Pennsylvania collection, and an Old Babylonian Hearst brick from the Diyala region displays similar mischief—or attachment, as seems possible for the foot print of a child on UM 84-26-129, and the signed hand prints in the concrete of our back walk). At 6x7cm in size (width x height), the paw prints correspond to a dog in the middle range of ca. 15-20kg.

CDLI entry: P226876

credit: rke

Bricks: 8 (2014-12-07)

An Ur III period (ca. 2100-2000 BC) brick with an inscription of the king.

The brick here from the capital Ur and today found in the Middle Eastern collection of the British Museum (BM 137419, accessioned 1979-12-18, 54), displays an example of a stamp gone bad. The stone cutter charged with preparing the stamp used on this brick apparently did not realize that the inscription on the stamp surface had to be a negative of the desired brick impression, and thus went about carving what was likely expensive stone, possibly marble, with the a positive inscription that left this negative.

CDLI entry: P226871

credit: rke

Bricks: 7 (2014-12-06)

An Ur III period (ca. 2100-2000 BC) brick stamp with an inscription of dynasty’s third king.

This brick stamp from the collection of the Bibliothèque Nationale et Universitaire de Strasbourg, France (BNUS 374; see Douglas Frayne, RIME 3/, ex. 61) was made of clay and contained a mirrored inscription of the king Amar-Suen; against good taste, the inscription was pressed into the clay surface rather than raised to leave the effect of actual impressed characters when stamped on brick surfaces.

CDLI entry: P227172

credit: rke

Bricks: 6 (2014-12-05)

An Ur III period (ca. 2100-2000 BC) brick stamp with an inscription of the dynasty’s third king.

This brick stamp from the Norwegian Schøyen Collection (MS 2764; see Piotr Steinkeller, Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology 16 [2011] no. 16) was made of marble, but was unfinished, perhaps after an attentive overseer noticed a mistake in the first line’s final cuneiform character to the upper left, that should have been more triangular in form. What the completed inscription would have looked like can be seen by scrolling down the relevant CDLI pages.

CDLI entry: P251790

credit: rke

Bricks: 5 (2014-12-04)

An Old Akkadian (ca. 2250 BC) brick stamp with an inscription of the king.

Designers of Old Akkadian stamp seals cared not just for an aesthetically pleasing mirrored inscription, but also for ease of use. The artifact pictured here, found in the Norwegian Schøyen Collection (MS 5106; see Andrew George, Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology 17 [2011] no. 24), was fashioned with a grip to aid in what must have been a monotonous chore of applying the stamp to innumerable bricks. Like the Adab stamp of the previous day, this piece contains a negative inscription of the fourth monarch of the Akkadian empire, reading “Naram-Suen, builder of the house of Inanna,” and is one of currently 60 examples of such stamps catalogued in the CDLI.

CDLI entry: P254174

credit: rke

Bricks: 4 (2014-12-03)

An Old Akkadian (ca. 2250 BC) brick stamp with an inscription of the king.

The first true “printing presses” were in fact cylinder seals, and more particularly stamps widely employed in 3rd millennium Mesopotamia to impress multiple copies of the same text on surfaces of bricks. The artifact pictured here, deriving from Adab and today found in the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (A 457; see Edgar Banks, Bismaya p. 342, no. 2), contains a negative inscription of the fourth monarch of the Akkadian empire, reading “Naram-Suen, builder of the house of Inanna,” and is one of currently 60 examples of such stamps catalogued in the CDLI.

CDLI entry: P333340

credit: rke

Bricks: 3 (2014-12-02)

An Ur III period (ca. 2100-2000 BC) brick with an inscription of the king.

The artifact pictured here, deriving from Eridu south of the capital Ur and today found in the Middle Eastern collection of the British Museum (BM 90767, accessioned 1859-10-14, 338), contains stamp inscriptions of the Ur III king on the upper and side surfaces. Integral to the planning and construction of buildings, bricks, no less than today, had to be of normed measurements. Babylonian bricks were measured in “sar” consisting of 720 bricks, regardless of size, apparently based on an Old Akkadian square brick measuring 1x1 cubits (Sumerian kuš3, ca. 50 cm) and a thickness of 6 “fingers” (Sumerian šu-si, of which six were equal to 1/5 cubit or ca. 10 cm). Placing 12 by 12 bricks in layers five courses high resulted in a Babylonian “volume sar” of 1 ninda squared x 1 cubit (the ninda was 12 cubits or ca. 6m long, and thus a volume sar 36 x 1/2, or ca. 18 cubic meters). Ur III bricks for monumental buildings were commonly 2/3 cubit squared, with the same thickness of 6 fingers or, as here, less. This particular brick measured ca. 34 cm square (that is, 2/3 cubits) by 7 cm thickness; it may be that some 3 cm were reckoned for layers of mortar or bitumen and reed between the brick courses.

CDLI entry: P226691

credit: rke

Bricks: 2 (2014-12-01)

An Ur III period (ca. 2100-2000 BC) brick with an inscription of the king.

Large buildings in southern Mesopotamia were built of bricks, often fired and weather-resistant in the lower wall courses, with plastered mud-brick above. The artifact pictured here, deriving from the neo-Sumerian capital Ur and today found in the Middle Eastern collection of the British Museum (BM 114266), contains a stamp inscription of the Ur III king, and on its bottom surface the remnants of a layer of bitumen, itself originally resting on a layer of reed matting to protect the wall from moisture that would otherwise rise up from ground level through capillary action. The text reads: “Amar-Suen, named in Nippur by Enlil, ‘headrest’ in the house of Enlil, [strong man, king of Ur, king of the four corners].”

CDLI entry: P226772

credit: rke

Bricks: 1 (2014-11-30)

Bricks set out to dry in Syria.

The history of brick making tells a fascinating story of men’s intention to establish reliable separation from the elements—indeed, bricks saved the life of the third of the Three Little Pigs, after houses built of straw and wood by his brothers fell to the wolf’s mighty huffs and puffs. The production of the millions and millions of bricks that formed the foundation of Babylonian architecture was little changed in the millennia until the development of automated brick making machines in mid-19th century Britain. The images here show the production of bricks in molds by Syrian laborers preparing to build a 1982 addition to the excavation house of the German mission to Tell Bi’a near Raqqa (courtesy K. Englund).

Nimrud’s Northwest Palace: 16 (2014-11-29)

Fragment of the Standard Inscription of Assurnasirpal in private collection.

While small fragments of relief scenes can often be placed in their original context, the situation is usually hopeless for fragments of the standard inscriptions, especially since most of those, considered too repetitive to be of interest, were discarded by the excavators. The best that can be hoped for is to place a fragment in the correct spot within the text, as indicated here, merely as an example, with a piece in private collection and the inscription on a relief now in the Los Angeles County Museum of Art. In fact, the sign u3 inscribed on the relief memento to the left was uncommon in neo-Assyrian royal texts, regularly replaced by the signs u and even u2. Photos of this fragment were sent to CDLI staff for identification in 2011 by a Long Island artist who had purchased it in a yard sale, and the sign identification was made by Grant Frame of the University of Pennsylvania.

CDLI entries: P423468, P416820

credit: kme

Nimrud’s Northwest Palace: 15 (2014-11-28)

Fragment of the Standard Inscription of Assurnasirpal.

The excavators were not the only ones participating in the distribution of Assurnasirpal’s reliefs. American missionaries, working in Mosul in the 1850s, sent home numerous slabs from the palace in Nimrud, mostly to their alma maters. They also sent to their friends and families small, handy pieces of the inscriptions that had become available when the reliefs were cut down in size for easier transport.

“We knocked off a few specimens of the gypsum containing arrow-headed characters, and suppose they will be interesting to our friends in Beyroot.” (William S. Tyler, Memoir of Rev. Henry Lobdell, M.D. ... [Boston 1859: The American Tract Society] p. 197).

“... Frederic and I have been labelling the inscriptions. ... You must all put your wits together & try to read them. We have spent no little time & strength ... in having them cut into shape. ... The marble saws as easily as wood.” (Dorothea S. Franck, “Missionaries Send Bas-reliefs to the United States,” in V. Crawford, P. Harper & H. Pittman, Assyrian Reliefs and Ivories in the Metropolitan Museum of Art [New York 1980: Metropolitan Museum of Art] p. 46).

This fragment, showing parts of lines 15-17 of the inscription, is now at Tyndale House, Cambridge.

CDLI reference: P448683

credit: kme

Nimrud’s Northwest Palace: 14 (2014-11-27)

Kalamazoo fragment and its place in the relief G-25.

The lower part of a sword sheath, adorned with two rampant lions, can be found on several reliefs of the Northwest Palace (for example on slab 13 in room G), making it possible to identify the right placement for the Kalamazoo fragment in relief G-25, but the fact that the cuneiform signs do not come from the first two lines of text indicate that the sheath should reach a little deeper into the inscription than shown in the reconstruction.

CDLI reference: P426866

credit: kme

Nimrud’s Northwest Palace: 13 (2014-11-26)

Fragment of relief G-25 in the Kalamazoo Valley Museum in Kalamazoo, MI.

Layard and other excavators of the 19th century often gave away small pieces of the reliefs as presents. Most of these fragments may be lost or lie unrecognized in some private collection. One exception is this well documented example in the Kalamazoo Valley Museum in Kalamazoo, MI. The beginning of its journey can be found on a piece of paper pasted to the surface. The text reads: “Relief from Nineveh, viz. a fragment from a bas relief in the palace of Nimroud. See Layard’s Nineveh Vol. II pp. sv 298. Presented by Layard to Charles Allison, English Ambassador at Constantinople. By him presented to his brother Capt. K. H. Allison 90th Light Infantry. By this latter presented to me, April 1875. [illegible signature].

The fragment shows the lower part of the sheath of a sword, with rampant lions as decoration and some cuneiform signs from the beginnings of lines 3 and 4 of the standard inscription.

CDLI reference: P426866

credit: kme

Nimrud’s Northwest Palace: 12 (2014-11-25)

Relief from room S (S-21), also in situ, showing a winged genie with black color still covering hair and beard.

When Layard first uncovered the reliefs of the Northwest Palace, he found remnants of black, red, white and blue paint still covering certain parts of some of the images, while other parts seemed to have always been unpainted, suggesting that the colors were used to define and strengthen the outlines of each figure.

The hair and long beards of divinities and kings were black; their eyes were white with black pupils; often the armlets and bracelets retained some red color and the sandals were black, occasionally having red soles and straps. Only few reliefs still show those colors and apart from very small traces, the blue paint has now completely vanished.

CDLI reference: P427362

credit: kme

Nimrud’s Northwest Palace: 11 (2014-11-24)

Daggers and whetstone on slab 20 in Room S (in situ, Nimrud, Iraq).

Many of the figures of the king, courtiers and genies carry a pair of daggers stuck into their belts, in some cases accompanied by a whetstone – another opportunity to illustrate the use of detail. This example is also from S-20 and shows the decorated dagger handles and the handle of the whetstone in the form of a horse’s head.

CDLI reference: P427360

credit: kme

Nimrud’s Northwest Palace: 10 (2014-11-23)

Earring on slab 20 in Room S, which is still in situ in Nimrud, Iraq.

Remarkable attention to detail is also shown frequently in the depiction of jewelry, as in this example of an earring on relief S-20. The tiny balls running down the length of the earring certainly indicate the use of granulation – a technique that has been found on some of the jewelry from the queens’ graves excavated under the floor of room MM in the palace by the Iraqi Antiquities Service (1988/89).

CDLI reference: P427360

credit: kme

Nimrud’s Northwest Palace: 9 (2014-11-22)

Embroidered garment on relief from room P (P-4), now in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen, Denmark.

Many figures carved on the reliefs in Assurnasirpal’s Palace wear garments embroidered with figural, floral, and geometric patterns incised in the stone; motifs may also indicate metal or fabric appliqués. Some of the most elaborate embroideries can be found in rooms G, P, and S. This example from relief P-4 shows the border of a garment worn by a winged genie, with alternating rosettes and palmettes–and a deer.

CDLI reference: P427303

credit: kme

Nimrud’s Northwest Palace: 8 (2014-11-21)

Broken relief slab in room G (G-13) in Nimrud.

Most of the Nimrud reliefs were 2.00 to 2.20 m high and very heavy. The ones that were removed from the palace were hauled down to the Tigris on wagons pulled by men, placed on rafts made from inflated animal skins, and floated hundreds of miles down the river to Basra, where they were loaded on sailing ships or steamers to be taken to Europe. Some were carried on camel-back to the Mediterranean Sea and sailed from there. To reduce the weight and size of the slabs, their thickness was reduced, many were cut in pieces and, in some cases, only the heads of the figures were taken.

This relief remained in Nimrud while the heads of the king (left) and courtier (right) ended up in London (British Museum) and Chicago (Oriental Institute Museum), respectively.

CDLI reference: P426831

credit: kme

Nimrud’s Northwest Palace: 7 (2014-11-20)

Two views of the so-called Banquet Stele of Assurnasirpal II, today in the Mosul Museum, Iraq (ND 1104).

Max Mallowan (Agatha Christie's husband) found this stele during the third season of his excavations in Nimrud (1951) in a recess of courtyard E (EA) of the palace, close to the northeast entrance of the throne room. The image shows the king, carrying a ceremonial staff and club. Symbols on both sides of his head represent the gods Sin, Ashur, Shamash, Enlil, Adad and Sibitti – the first five also appear as pendants on the king’s necklace. The text of the inscription starts with an abbreviated version of the Standard Inscription and continues with an account of the erection of the palace and various temples, including also a detailed list of the names of all the different species of trees imported and planted by Assurnasirpal. The final passage is a unique description of the menu of a lavish banquet, lasting 10 days, that celebrated the dedication of the palace, with an extensive list of all the food and drink consumed by the tens of thousands of people attending – many of them probably the workers the king had deported from the areas of his early conquests to help with construction.

CDLI reference: P450159

credit: kme

Nimrud’s Northwest Palace: 6 (2014-11-19)

Inscription on Relief G-30 (detail), Staatliche Skulpturensammlung, Dresden, Germany.

A closer look at the inscription on relief G-30 shows that it runs across the sculptured figures—leaving some details free but covering others. The inscriptions on slabs in each room have the same length so that they match visually. The text does not continue on the next slab and begins on each slab with line one.

CDLI reference: P426882

credit: kme

Nimrud’s Northwest Palace: 5 (2014-11-18)

Relief from room G (G-30, eunuch and genie) of the Northwest Palace, with Standard Inscription; today in the Staatliche Skulpturensammlung, Dresden, Germany.

Across each of the large relief panels that lined many walls of the Northwest Palace runs a royal text that is now called the Standard Inscription because it is repeated with only minor variants throughout the palace; its normal length is 22 lines, but in some cases the text is distributed over fewer lines or is cut off if the allotted space was too small. The inscription (seen here on slab 30 from room G, 20 lines) describes the reign of king Assurnasirpal II in his role as priest and ruler chosen by the gods, his royal lineage, his successful military campaigns, and his building activities in the city of Kalḫu, including the palace itself.

CDLI reference: P426882

credit: kme

Nimrud’s Northwest Palace: 4 (2014-11-17)

Plan of room G in Assurnasirpal’s palace in Nimrud.

This room, situated on the east side of courtyard Y, has been identified as a banquet or audience hall. It is distinguished by the exceptional quality of its reliefs, showing amazing details of embroidered robes, jewelry and other objects. The numbers in the plan indicate the individual slabs. Four of them are still in situ and 12 are in the British Museum, the rest is either lost (4) or scattered over various collections (New York; Hanover, NH; Chicago, IL; Berlin, Germany; Baltimore, MD; Kalamazoo, MI; Edinburgh, Scotland; St. Petersburg, Russia; Istanbul, Turkey)—a good example of the wide distribution of the reliefs from this palace.

credit: kme

Nimrud’s Northwest Palace: 3 (2014-11-16)

Plan of the Assurnasirpal's Northwest Palace in Nimrud.

Plan of the central part of Assurnasirpal’s palace in Nimrud with the state rooms. The palace was at least 230m long and 130m wide. It consisted of several courtyards with rooms grouped around them. Today a parking lot covers the area of the original northern courtyard which provided the main access to the palace. The state rooms, including the throne room (B), surround a smaller court (Y) which still retains a large number of its inscribed floor tiles. Most of these rooms were adorned with reliefs that showed the king in his various official functions, accompanied by his courtiers and protective spirits, but also scenes of war and hunting. The rooms south of yard Y were part of the more private area of the palace and included (under the floor of room MM) several rich graves of queens.

credit: kme

Nimrud’s Northwest Palace: 2 (2014-11-15)

Aerial photo of the excavations in Nimrud.

This Google Earth photo from 2013 shows the citadel of Nimrud seen from the south. The ziqqurrat (temple mound) is in the upper left corner, below it the Northwest Palace of Assurnasirpal II. Barely visible in the bottom right corner is the temple of the god Nabu and above it the “Burnt Palace”. Henry Layard, who originally believed that he had discovered a different Assyrian capital, Nineveh, started excavating the Northwest Palace in 1845, sending most of the reliefs he found there to the British Museum, but also to other museums, friends and family. American missionaries, who worked in Mosul at the time, were responsible for many fragments and entire slabs being sent to their alma maters in the US, and other pieces found their way into museums and collections all over the world, from Europe to Mumbay, Kyoto and even Greenland.

credit: kme

Nimrud’s Northwest Palace: 1 (2014-11-14)

Limestone reliefs from the palace of Assyrian King Assurnasirpal II in Nimrud (ancient Kalḫu) near Mosul in northern Iraq date to the beginning of the 9th century BC. Those reliefs contained images of religious and political significance as well as cuneiform inscriptions.

Room G of the Northwest Palace, like several of the other palace rooms, was lined with these reliefs containing depictions, often in stunning detail, of religiously and politically significant scenes in the rule of the Assyrian king. The image here is a detail shot of a winged genie in the act of consecrating a high Assyrian official; visible are the genie’s earring and necklace, including the characteristic rendering of hair and beard. The panel of which this is part is today found in the British Museum and contains a copy of the so-called Standard Inscription describing Assurnasirpal II’s military campaigns.

Special pages are being prepared by CDLI collaborators to illustrate the architectural context of the reliefs within the palace.

CDLI reference: P426805

credit: kme, photo:Ellen Rehm

Horn Museum, Andrews University: 5 (2014-11-13)

A literary tablet from the Old Babylonian period (c. 1894 - 1594 BC).

Among the many tablets in the Horn collection one finds a small number of literary texts. This exemplar records a fragment of the epic “Lugalbanda and the Mountain Cave” (lines 384-403). This epic, written during the Old Babylonian period (ca. 1800 BC) in the Sumerian language, records the story Lugalbanda, a mythological hero who is befallen by a mysterious illness while campaigning with his brothers.

CDLI entry: P249270

credit: mh

Horn Museum, Andrews University: 4 (2014-11-12)

A silver loan from the second year of Nebuchadnezzer II, king of Babylon in the 6th century BC.

This tablet records a loan of 2 minas of silver from Kudurri to Saggil. The loan accrues interest at a rate of 2 shekels per month (for an effective annual rate of 20%: 2/120 x 12). The contract was witnessed by Bel-iqiša, Šamaš-uballiṭ, and the scribe Iddinunu. Completed on the 4th day of the 2nd year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzer.

CDLI entry: P249281

credit: mh

Horn Museum, Andrews University: 3 (2014-11-11)

Ur III period “bulla” with cylinder seal impression.

This object began its life as a simple ball of clay formed around a length of rope in order to secure or effectively “lock” another object such as a pot, basket, or door. The cylinder seal of some individual exerting ownership or administrative control over the contents would then be applied to the wet clay as seen here. Notice the impressions left by the rope fibers visible on the inside surface of the bulla.

CDLI entry: P104631

credit: mh

Horn Museum, Andrews University: 2 (2014-11-10)

Two administrative tablets from the Ur III period, one with its envelope.

While the transactions recorded in these tablets are unremarkable, the colors of the tablets are not. Tablets may occasionally take on colors such as reds, greens, and purples, that are the result of a combination of a number of factors that include their site of original deposition, their baking process, and the clay matrix of which the tablet is made.

CDLI entries: P103221, P104470

credit: mh

Horn Museum, Andrews University: 1 (2014-11-09)

This is an administrative tablet from the Ur III period dated to the fourth year of Amar-Suen, the third king of the dynasty.

The Horn Museum is part of the Institute of Archaeology at Andrews University in Berrien Springs, Michigan. Containing altogether 2,949 cuneiform artifacts, its holdings rank among the largest in the United States. In the next series of slides, we will have a look at a sampling of those texts.

Like the majority of Ur III accounts in the collection, this tablet comes from the the site of Drehem (ancient Puzrish-Dagan). It records some 85 sheep (line 1) and 20 “Shimashki” goats (line 2) taken by En-dingir-mu from the herds managed by Abba-saga. An abbreviated total of the animals taken is given on the left edge of the tablet.

CDLI entry: P102968

credit: mh

Proto-Elamite: 10 (2014-11-08)

Two of the first proto-Elamite tablets found at Susa by Jacques de Morgan in 1899 or 1900.

When the French epigraphist at Susa, Vincent Scheil, compared the newly discovered texts to the other early examples of writing then known, a seal with Indus signs, also found at Susa, and an early Sumerian cuneiform text from southern Iraq, he concluded that the oldest one was the seal with the Indus signs, believing the signs were truly hieroglyphic and therefore very ancient; second place went to the early Sumerian tablet, since it was considered only partially hieroglyphic; and third place to the proto-Elamite tablets that were, he said, already cuneiform-shaped and thus more abstract. We know today that the Indus seal is, by far, the youngest of the three objects Scheil compared, and the Sumerian text may well be younger than the proto-Elamite tablets, although this particular one is difficult to date.

CDLI entries: P008179, P008184

credit: jld

Proto-Elamite: 9 (2014-11-07)

Top-level account of the yield from five fields. The tablet is sealed with the same seal as “Proto-Elamite: 1,” the so-called ruler’s seal; it is here shown in the original orientation of writing.

This tablet was featured in a BBC article that became one of the most read educational contributions to the national broadcaster’s website in 2012, attesting to the fascination the public has for the study of ancient texts.

The repetitive nature of the text led one young commenter and his father from central California to correctly suggest that the text deals with the harvesting of cereals.

The content of all proto-Elamite texts is administrative, with no reflection of the Babylonian penchant for lexical lists and related scholarly tradition; they can be divided into texts concerning agriculture, agricultural products, agricultural products, herded animals and dairy and wool production, rations for laborers, and rations for high ranking members of society. The only exceptions are two possible metrological-mathematical texts.

CDLI entry: P008020

credit: jld

Proto-Elamite: 8 (2014-11-06)

The proto-Elamite sign repertoire has long puzzled researchers. A large number of the proto-Elamite signs are abstract, while some signs with clear pictorial referents are never used for counted objects.

Only about half of the signs that appear to depict animals were in fact used to represent the same animals in the accounts; the other signs, such as M461 and M332d, were never used in this way. Rather, they were used to designate households or owners. In the case of the ‘hanging’ animal (M461), the sign is interpreted as representing a household through a one-to-one depiction of a physical emblem, for example a totem-animal; in the case of the animal head (M332d), the encoding takes a very different form. That sign belongs to a subgroup of the sign repertoire used only to designate owners or households, and usually in groups of 2-4 signs. In contrast, the most important signs for animals, counted in the accounts, are all entirely abstract, and share their basic graphical constituents with signs for the same animals in Mesopotamian texts (see “Proto-Elamite: 2”).

CDLI entry: P008188

credit: jld

Proto-Elamite: 7 (2014-11-05)

A very large proto-Elamite tablet in the Louvre Museum joined from five fragments. The text lists hundreds of small work-teams and their rations

This tablet, one of the longest archaic texts produced, was joined based on an understanding of its content rather than on the shape and color of the different fragments. A map of the joins is shown on the right.

CDLI entry: P008105

credit: jld

Proto-Elamite: 6 (2014-11-04)

Sealed receipts of the proto-Elamite phase of early Iran

More than a dozen texts with similar shape, dimensions and content are known from the pro to-Elamite corpus (ca. 3100-2900 BC), all apparently dealing with monthly rations for small teams of (field ?) workers. The tablets are sealed with one of the two seals shown. The seal at the top (found on MDP 6, 223, that is also depicted to the left) shows an animal seated in a reed boat, whereas the one at the bottom (on MDP 26S, 4802) displays a parade of mythical animals. All of the texts have a sub-script, and a top-edge inscription, the meaning of which remains unknown, but may represent time notations.

CDLI entries: P008022, P009237

credit: jld

Proto-Elamite: 5 (2014-11-03)

To the left a Proto-Elamite tablet from the Susa excavations of either Morgan or de Mecquenem (MDP 17, 153), to its right a tablet excavated by LeBrun’s team in the 1960s. Both tablets are signed with the same scribal design, shown in red to the right.

Little is know about the find location of MDP 17, 153, although some early publications speak about clusters of tablets. The tablets found during the later, controlled and stratified excavations, on the other hand, were never found in groups of more than three. It therefore remains difficult to say whether the tablets were originally kept in archives, or whether they were discarded or disbursed shortly after being written.

CDLI entries: P008351, P009411

credit: jld

Proto-Elamite: 4 (2014-11-02)

Proto-Elamite tablet joined from two fragments in the Louvre Museum. This tablet dates to the last phase of the proto-Elamite writing system. It has on the reverse, instead of a seal impression, a scribal design. Identical designs are found on a few other texts with similar content proving that these did, in fact, function as seals.

This text details the rations for ten, perhaps eleven, high-level officials. The first ten officials are each identified with a variant of a sign otherwise used to represent 100 in the decimal numerical sign system used to count, among other things, workers. Each official receives amounts of various cereals and cereal products.

The image is created by overlaying and blending, in Photoshop, several exports from Reflectance Transformation Imaging files created of the tablet in Paris by Klaus Wagensonner. The RTI exports were lit from different angles.

CDLI entry: P008279

credit: jld

Proto-Elamite: 3 (2014-11-01)

Account of the production from the same herds as in “Proto-Elamite: 2”

MDP 17, 85, lists production from animals of the same herds found in “Proto-Elamite: 2” (MDP 17, 96+). Each herd is identified by a sign either following, or inscribed within the sign for nanny goat. Following a count of nannies, a standardized list of what appears to be eight different products obtained from sheep and goat herding is found. Based on a comparison with similar herding accounts from Uruk, the first of these have been identified as refined dairy products with a the standardized relationship between the amounts of some products and numbers of adult female animals. Bibliography: Jacob L. Dahl, “Animal Husbandry in Susa During the Proto-Elamite Period,” SMEA 47 (2005) 81-134.

CDLI entry: P008283

credit: jld

Proto-Elamite: 2 (2014-10-31)

MDP 17, 96+325+380, lists animals belonging to some fifteen different herds. In 2004, the three fragments were joined by Jacob Dahl, working in the Louvre Museum collections of proto-Elamite tablets. The account is a key-text for the decipherment of sheep and goat terminology in proto-Elamite texts (ca. 3100-2900 BC).

MDP 17, 96+325+380, originally recorded about fifteen herds of sheep and goats belonging to different institutions or individuals. Each of the owners of the animals is described with one or at most two signs that can, space permitting, be inscribed within the first object designator (signs that here represented the herded animals). Adult animals of both species and both genders are listed before juveniles. The signs for juvenile animals are formed by hatching signs for adults. Perhaps not surprisingly, goats are listed before sheep, since goats produce more milk and have more offspring, and may therefore have been more important for the administration than sheep whose wool-bearing had yet to reach later levels. We may note that as in the contemporary and later Babylonian records, ewe milk was not registered in pro to-Elamite accounts.

Translation of the obverse:
belonging to X1: 3 nanny goats
2 billy goats
4 female sheep
1 female kid
1 female lamb
belonging to X2: 6 nanny goats
4 billy goats
1 female sheep
23 female kids
7 male kids
10 female lambs
3 male lambs

and so on in the same accounting format. Bibliography: Jacob L. Dahl, “Animal Husbandry in Susa During the Proto-Elamite Period,” SMEA 47 (2005) 81-134.

CDLI entry: P008294

credit: jld

Proto-Elamite: 1 (2014-10-30)

An almost completely preserved clay-tablet in proto-Elamite from ancient Susa inscribed with a complicated account. On the reverse is a seal of a high-ranking official, probably the ruler.

Today’s entry takes us back to the series with which cdli tablet began.

With 119 entries in 21 columns, this large clay tablet is the longest complex administrative account of the archaic period that is mostly preserved. Recovered from early excavations at Susa, it is written in the so-called proto-Elamite (ca. 3100-2900 BC) script and records a large amount of grain divided unequally among approximately 100 entries, some of which may represent the names or titles of high officials. The seal image of lions and bulls in human poses on the reverse, including a proto-Elamite “hairy triangle” sign also found in the text itself, suggests the account belonged to a powerful Susian household.

CDLI entry: P272825

credit: kek

Drafting Administrative Documents: 4 (2014-10-29)

Comparison of two records

The only difference between the two texts is that SACT 2, 73 does not have a date and does not include any information on the purpose of the enumerated workers. The absence of this information makes it very difficult to imagine any immediate administrative or archival purpose of the tablet. What would be the point of keeping a record of an undated list of workers to be used for an unstated purpose? How would such a record help the scribe drafting the annual account at the end of the year?

The most reasonable interpretation of SACT 2, 73 is as a rare, but important, piece of evidence for the use of temporary clay tablets providing only the necessary details of a transaction drawn up by a scribe so that he would be able to get the numbers and names right when he, at some later stage, was supposed to create the proper and dated document.

CDLI entry: P388399 and P129030

credit: mw

Drafting Administrative Documents: 3 (2014-10-28)


If we accept Steinkeller's reasonable proposition that many of these records were prepared post factum in different locations and settings than those of the transactions they actually document, we also have to consider the question of how the relevant information of the transactions and observations was collected and stored until it could be permanently transferred to the written records. How could the Ur III scribes be able to remember the complicated and detailed information of every-day transactions during the period between the transactions and the preparation of the texts recording them?

One possibility would be that the scribes produced temporary clay drafts in the field with the relevant details, and later used these abridged memoranda when they drew up the administrative records, similar to how they would rely on the same administrative records when they prepared the annual accounts at the end of the year.

More than 40 years ago, Shin T. Kang published a small and unassuming text from Umma that may represent the original clay draft that was used to prepare our list of foremen and workers. Although the order of some of the entries differs in the texts (see below), the detail information is identical (i.e. the names of the different foremen and their associated numbers of unskilled workers).

CDLI entry: P129030

credit: mw

Drafting Administrative Documents: 2 (2014-10-27)

Annual account

It is sometimes possible to cross-reference the information in these short records drawn up during the year with their summarized entries in the annual accounts drawn up at the end of the administrative years. In 2003, Robert K. Englund (CDLJ 2003:1) published the large annual account Erlenmeyer 152 from Umma, and managed to cross reference entries in the account to no less than 14 different individual records.

Although tens of thousands of such daily Ur III records that formed the basis for the annual accounts have been published to date, the administrative context in which they were drawn up remains unclear. In an article on administrative practices in the Ur III period, Piotr Steinkeller argued that a large proportion of the Ur III records were, in fact, not prepared in the field, but rather drawn up later (often significantly later), in locations and settings that were different from those where the events and transactions in question had occurred (see "The Function of Written Documentation in the Administrative Praxis of Early Babylonia." Pp. 65-88. In: M. Hudson and C. Wunsch (eds.), Creating Economic Order: Recordkeeping, Standardization, and the Development of Accounting in the Ancient Near East, Bethesda, MD: 2004).

CDLI entry: P109319

credit: mw

Drafting Administrative Documents: 1 (2014-10-26)

Umma's annual obligation to the royal economy; Ur III period

A few years ago I published a small administrative tablet from Umma in CDLJ 2009:6 dated to the reign of Amar-Suen, the third ruler in the Ur III Dynasty (ca. 2100-2000 BC). The text records the number of unskilled workers provided by seven different foremen as a small part of Umma's annual obligation/contribution (bala) to the royal economy of the Ur III state. Each of the seven foremen would have received a sealed receipt of these labor expenditures along the pattern: x workers for y days, stationed (to serve) within the bala obligation, foreman: PN1, seal (= received): PN2, date. At the end of the fiscal year, the sum of all labor expenditures listed in this type of records drawn up during the year, together with all work actually carried out during the year, would be deducted from the expected performances of the different foremen and their workers, which depended on the amount of labor they were assigned in the first place.

CDLI entry: P388399

credit: mw

Babylonian field management: 32 (2014-10-25)

Ur III field plans XV

A final example closes our theme of early Babylonian field management with a highly complex field register, again following the standard practice of grand temen and surrounding smaller fields. Kept in a private collection in New Jersey, the tablet was imaged by Laura Johnson-Kelly for the Cornell Sumerologist David I. Owen using an ammonium chloride misting procedure described in connection with his ongoing, vital work on a very substantial tablet collection housed in the Jonathan and Jeannette Rosen Ancient Near Eastern Studies Seminar at Cornell. The text, recently edited by Hagan Brunke (Fs Attinger [2012] 39-63), employs technical terminology to qualify eleven different categories of fields, above all describing the soil and topography qualities of the area assigned to the household of the governor of Adab by a royal surveyor named Ur-nigar.

CDLI entry: P432384

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 31 (2014-10-24)

Ur III field plans XIV

As we see in the current entry, Ur III field plans can appear quite involved, yet always follow the basic principal of constructing a central and regular temen surface, then calculating and subtracting from, or adding to the total area the often irregular smaller fields within and outside of the border of this temen—indeed, these small fields themselves usually formed the borders of the large temen. This complicated survey register of a large field measuring approximately 5 × 4 km was drawn by the Heidelberg Assyriologist Stefan Maul when he was active at the Free University of Berlin, where the artifact itself is housed in the Altorientalisches Seminar; and was cited, without a full edition, in Nissen, Damerow & Englund, Frühe Schrift pp. 106-110 = Archaic Bookkeeping (Chicago 1993) pp. 66-69. Quoting from Archaic Bookkeeping p. 69:

The procedure of calculating the surface of such complicated temens is somewhat odd. ... The various sections of the temen were calculated as if the opposite sides were of identical length. The calculation was carried out twice, the first time with the measurements of one side, the second time with the measurements of the other side. In this manner, two values relating to each section of the temen were obtained. Both were entered into the field plan next to their respective field segments, the second value always upside down relative to the first value. The calculation circled—so to speak—around the field, yielding values for each field section. The final step was then to calculate their mean values!

CDLI entry: P124822

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 30 (2014-10-23)

Ur III field plans XIII

Looking at this text, an unexpected observation may be made about the process of entering the various field measurements in Ur III surveying accounts. Based alone on the orientation of the inscriptions, the author of this text began writing from the upper right, going counterclockwise until case 12, then again from the upper right reading clockwise to case 22. This strange structural format should be considered in future work on similar texts.

CDLI entry: P131748

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 29 (2014-10-22)

Ur III field plans XII

   1 bur3 1 eše3 surface, small fields (= 24 iku),
   4 bur3 1 eše3 2 1/4 iku surface “outside” (= 80 1/4 iku)
   11 bur3 3 iku surface, within the temen (= 201 iku);
   total: 17 bur3 less 3/4 iku surface (= 305 1/4 iku).

As seems clear from the addition of all fields qualified as “ki” (Sumerian “area” and presumably short for ki zi, “area to be ‘torn’ [from the temen]”) and those called “bar” (for ki bar, “area outside” [of the temen]), the first line of the reverse describes the “small” fields drawn within the confines of the text’s regular, large quadrilateral (surface measures adding up to 23 3/4 iku), and the second those drawn outside of the temen (surface measures adding up to 81 iku). The calculation of the temen itself, however, is unclear; it must be composed of the result of the multiplication of the width and length of the large rectangle, less the small “ki” surfaces that it enclosed, thus (W × L [ninda]) - 2400 = 20100 sar. The length measures along the top/bottom and left edges, however, appear to combine to 160 & 155 on the one hand, 155 on the other, where the inscription itself seems to read 160 for the upper edge (10 + 30 + 20 + 30 + 55 + 15) and 130 for the left (apparently from 40 + 40 + 30 + 10, disregarding the final field; the right-edge numbers are very difficult to interpret). A provisional scale drawing of the smaller fields within and outside of the document’s temen is offered here. We welcome corrections to the calculations offered at the CDLI page linked below!

CDLI entry: P131748

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 28 (2014-10-21)

Ur III field plans XI

We conclude our survey of early Babylonian management of agricultural fields with several days dedicated to more complex Ur III surveying on clay. The tablet depicted here, again from the Louvre collection, records the measurement results of work done on the Umma field Udu-lu-saga, including on its reverse surface the following lines:

   1 bur3 1 eše3 surface, small fields,
   4 bur3 1 eše3 2 1/4 iku surface “outside,”
   11 bur3 3 iku surface, within the temen;
   total: 17 bur3 less 3/4 iku surface.

We must therefore expect to find, in the notations of the tablet surface depicted here, the given constituent surfaces of the surveyed fields: small fields, outside fields, and a large temen field.

CDLI entry: P131748

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 27 (2014-10-20)

Ur III field plans X

A Louvre text edited by the Berlin Uruk project colleagues Nissen, Damerow and Englund in 1990 (Frühe Schrift 106-110; English translation in Archaic Bookkeeping [Chicago 1993] pp, 65-69), and in 1996 by the Italian scholar Mario Liverani (JESHO 39, 9). Quoting from Archaic Bookkeeping p. 68:

[the text] gives the measures of the “field of the cattle herdsman of (the deity) Ninara.” The left side of the field, which was probably the side along the main irrigation canal, formed the base line of the surveying procedure. For each segment of the field, the length of the section on the base line, the distance to the outer border line and the calculated area were recorded. In addition, the total length of the base line is given, although this length (260 ninda, approx. 1.5 km) had no relevance for the area calculations. Furthermore, the name of the field as well as the total of its calculated areas rendered in rounded iku are registered in the plan.

The particular areas are only given with an exactness of half an iku. Peculiar is the incorrect calculation of the fifth section from the top, an error for which there are, however, numerous parallels in other field plans. Instead of recording the correct and round figure of 11 iku (= 1 eše3 5 iku) the scribe arrived at a value of ten and one half iku. Such irregularities are probably the result of the fact that before the invention of the sexagesimal place value system ... no simple method to perform multiplications was known. The reverse of the tablet bears a preliminary sketch of another field, in which, however, a series of entries was erased.

CDLI entry: P131774

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 26 (2014-10-19)

Ur III field plans IX

The topography of some of our Ur III period fields can be difficult to explain. This text from Umma province displays a series of inner-temen triangular surfaces that form jagged steps up one side; done to scale as in the sketch to the right of the tablet, however, we might more generously forgive the work of a surveyor confronted with a strong meandering canal, snaking along and around the irregular surface features of the larger field’s western border. Thirty ninda, after all, represent a stretch of some 180 meters. [Attentive cdli tableteers will notice that one of the surface measures in the sketch was furtively corrected to better fit the ninda measurements—and, we suspect, the intentions of the ancient bookkeeper.]

CDLI entry: P125397

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 25 (2014-10-18)

Ur III field plans VIII

Still another field plan from Berlin’s Vorderasiatisches Museum displays an ever more detailed description of a central temen, and surrounding “outside” fields. This particular agricultural corridor, called in Sumerian Nin-nudu, is documented in sixty further Umma accounts, covering irrigation, harrowing, sowing, grain harvest, the cutting and bundling of reed, and a number of related activities; they document, moreover, fields associated with Nin-nudu, including three with Šulpae’s “stockyard” field from our previous entry.

CDLI entry: P125396

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 24 (2014-10-17)

Ur III field plans VII

Another example of a field plan from Berlin’s Vorderasiatisches Museum, also originating in Umma province, describes the agricultural foundation of the “stockyard” of (the god) Šulpae. A drawing of the fields registered here, drawn to scale, effectively stretches the tablet’s field plan horizontally by a factor of 2 (A. Hanson, a Manchester, UK, research student at the College of Technology, now the University of Manchester Institute of Science and Technology, published a number of short editions of these texts in the series Manchester Cuneiform Studies, this text in volume 2 [1952] p. 1).

CDLI entry: P125395

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 23 (2014-10-16)

Ur III field plans VI

A scale drawing based on the actual numbers of the text displays the relative accuracy of the basic temen rectangle, less visual accuracy of its adjoining quadrilateral, and greater differences between the ancient surveyor’s rendition of the ‘outside’ surfaces and those based, here, on his actual length measures. The correct rendering of the smaller field surfaces, moreover, indicates that their outer border was in all likelihood a gently curving waterway!

CDLI entry: P111941

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 22 (2014-10-15)

Ur III field plans V

The second line of this text’s reverse summation reads 1(eše3) 4(iku) 1/4(iku) GAN2 bar, “1 eše3 4 1/4 iku field ‘outside’.” While this notation bears a striking resemblance to the calculated area of the irregular quadriliteral that was part of the temen, the two are quite distinct, for the accountant has instead totaled the various small surfaces surrounding the rectangular temen field, consisting of a series of quadriliterals and triangles. As an example of how the small surfaces were recorded, we can look at the first to the lower right: 20 × ((13 1/2 + 8 1/2) ÷ 2) = 220 (sar), written sexagesimally 3.40. Triangles are recorded unremarkably as rectangles cut in half. By one tally, the total is very close to the expected 1025 sar (disregarding the inner-temen triangle of the lower left corner):

   220 (20 × (13 1/2 + 8 1/2) ÷ 2))
   120 (20 × (8 1/2 + 3 1/2) ÷ 2))
   21 7/8 (12 1/2 × 3 1/2 ÷ 2)

      partial total 360 sar (?; expect 361 7/8)
   84 1/2 (13 × 13 ÷ 2)
   200 - 20/60 (?; (15 × (13 + 13 1/2) ÷ 2)) = 198 3/4)
   390 (30 × 13)

      partial total 672 1/2 sar (?; expect 674 1/2 - x)
   GRAND TOTAL: 360 + 672 1/2 = 1032.5

CDLI entry: P111941

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 21 (2014-10-14)

Ur III field plans IV

Our temen is not a perfect rectangle, but a composition of rectangle and an additional quadrilateral. Its surface area was computed in the following way: first multiply the rectangle measuring 65 × 70 ninda (that is, a surface of ca. 390 × 420 meters), you get 4550 sar, or 45.5 iku ≈ 2 bur3 1 eše3 3 1/2 iku (1 bur3 = 3 eše3, 1 eše3 = 6 iku). Add to that the irregular surface to its right, measuring 65 × ((30 + 2) ÷ 2 =) 16, you get 1040 sar, or 10 4/10 iku ≈ 1 eše3 4 1/2 iku; then add the two to equal 3 bur3 2 iku of the first line of the reverse. We will in the next slide examine the second and third lines of the reverse summations, and will in a third slide offer a drawing of what this field might actually have looked like.

CDLI entry: P111941

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 20 (2014-10-13)

Ur III field plans III

This Girsu record retains a relatively uncomplicated drawing of a modest field, but introduces the concept of the Babylonian temen. A temen is, in normal Sumerian architectural terminology, the regular platform on which a building is constructed; transferred to field management, it refers to an often artificially regular rectangle drawn to encompass the greater surface area of an irregularly shaped field. The first line of the reverse surface of this tablet from Girsu, now found in the cuneiform collection of Harvard's Semitic Museum, states that the field sketch of the obverse surface recorded a total of 3(bur3) 2(iku) GAN2 ša3 temen, “3 bur3 2 iku field within the temen.” The term ša3 temen is, in CDLI records, known almost exclusively in the context of such drawings.

CDLI entry: P111941

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 19 (2014-10-12)

Ur III field plans II

The numbers qualifying side lengths in the field sketch are relatively clear, but the results of their use in surface calculations less so. The bottom side is, in sexagesimally oriented notation, 1.25, or 85 (ninda), its opposing top side is 1.40 + 20 (the width of the box to the upper left) = 120, while the opposing left and right sides are (25 + 1.40) and 3.00, or 125 and 180 ninda, respectively. Thus the favored calculation of irregular quadrilaterals gives ((85 + 120) ÷ 2) × ((180 + 125) ÷ 2) = 15,631.25 sar (remembering that 1 sar = 1 ninda2), or 156.3125 iku (1 iku = 10 × 10 ninda = 100 sar). Subtracting from this calculated surface measure the area of the rectangle to the upper left (20 × 25 = 500 sar = 5 iku) gives 151.3125 iku, or 8 bur3 7.3125 iku, a not entirely satisfactory approximation of the given 8 bur3 4 3/4 iku (note that the surveyor correctly calculated a rectangle of 1 bur3 2 iku = 20 iku in the left-hand surface described by the length of 100 ninda and a width of 20 [that of the upper-left rectangle]). We might suspect that this discrepancy is related to the highly irregular shape of the field, given here in a more credible depiction.

CDLI entry entry: P125393

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 18 (2014-10-11)

Ur III field plans I

Ur III period (ca. 2100-2000 BC) surveyors were known as “rope-men.” In an earlier series of cdli tablet, we have seen the records of urban architects, using brick metrology and a measuring rod (Sumerian gi) to lay out plans for large estates and monumental buildings. Fields on the other hand were measured with ropes, and indeed the Sumerian word for rope, 2, is the same as that for a length measure of 10 ninda, or ca. 60 meters. The two together, early identified incorrectly as rod-and-ring, formed the classical Mesopotamain symbol of royalty: the king was a shepard of his people, but was, more than that, the guarantor of straight measurements in the management of fields, and the construction of important buildings. We expect that our surveyors worked with a rope knotted every ninda, and employed native geometrical principals in laying out 90° angles to achieve exact surface measure calculations (simply stake out four equal lengths of rope in a parallelogram, then pull and release to set equal diagonals, and you have a very close approximation of √2 for field use; where these failed, multiply the arithmetical means of opposite sides of quadrilaterals, resulting in relatively close approximations. The example of such a field record depicted here, part of the collection of Berlin’s Vorderasiatisches Museum, is from southern Umma province.

CDLI entry: P125393

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 17 (2014-10-10)

Old Akkadian cartography

Whoever has left Baghdad in an old Rover with concrete suspension, in search of a southern Iraqi excavation site, manned only with a sketched map done on an envelope the night before, will marvel at the comparable attention to geographic details found on many ancient Babylonian documents. The Louvre owns a number of such clay records from Telloh, ancient Girsu, that date to the Old Akkadian period (ca. 2340-2200 BC). Now combining both textual description of fields with waterways, these accounts lend a new dimension to the dry calculations of earlier periods. We will see that the Ur III period a century later witnessed the innovation of including drawings of fields in its surveying accounts.

CDLI entry: P128413, P216929

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 16 (2014-10-09)

Playing with field calculations 4

In 2007, the Swedish historian of science Jöran Friberg published an edition of this text as an appendix of his masterful treatment of the mathematical cuneiform text in the Norwegian Schøyen Collection (MSCT 1, App. 7, CUNES 50-08-001). The sketch here is taken from that publication. As Friberg explained, the tablet contains a fairly common table of progressively larger length and corresponding surface measures. In this case, the first four lines at the upper right of the tablet, reading top to bottom and from right to left, are to be understood as: 1 nindanindax sa2 / 1 sar / 2 sa2 / 4 sar, “1 ninda squared: 1 sar; 2 (ninda squared): 4 sar.” The text continues on through ever larger length measures (remembering that 1 ninda ≈ 6 meters, thus 1 sar ≈ 36 m2 and so on) until, in the fifth column, the surface reaches a surface notation of (720,000) bur3 or a field of ca. 4,432,320 Ha—the size of Denmark.

CDLI entry: P274845

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 15 (2014-10-08)

Playing with field calculations 3

Though less subtle than exercises with unexpected calculations of artificially large fields, many Babylonian texts still make a strong impression on the reader with their almost manic attention to detail. This mathematical table of field measures from the Early Dynastic IIIb period (ca. 2400 BC) is among the many thousands of cuneiform tablets in the cuneiform collection of the Department of Near Eastern Studies, Cornell University, now being readied for repatriation to Iraq.

CDLI entry: P274845

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 14 (2014-10-07)

Playing with field calculations 2

Peter Damerow and Bob Englund drove from Berlin to Heidelberg in the spring of 1985 to collate Uruk texts in preparation of the publication of their chapter on proto-cuneiform number sign systems that appeared in Nissen & Green, Archaische Texte aus Uruk 2. Surely the most memorable moment of that trip was Peter’s discovery of the text in the figure here. The room grew quiet when he was calculating, and in this case it was no different. As he explained after some time, the text from the earliest stage of writing contained several varied multiplicands representing field lengths and widths, leading in exercises on obverse and reverse to the same result of an irregularly large, but very rounded surface measure notation of 10 šar2, or ca. 40 km2. This earliest known school text in mathematics demonstrated the playful arrangement scribes of the 34th century BC had indeed made with their medium of expression.

CDLI entry: P003118

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 13 (2014-10-06)

Playing with field calculations 1

Of course the inherent mathematical beauty in field calculation was not lost on ancient Babylonians. Already in the first phase of writing development, the Uruk IV period dating to ca. 3350 BC—perhaps some two centuries before the first fields described in this series were mapped out in Jemdet Nasr—apparent masters of the scribal art began in their spare time to play with the numbers of their day jobs. It is not always easy to catch them out in this fine game: we must pay attention to even the most damaged of ancient clay documents, such as this examplar from Uruk (excavation number W 19408,76+) now on permanent loan from the German Arcaheological Institute (Berlin) to Heidelberg University.

CDLI entry: P003118

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 12 (2014-10-05)

Fields in Fara III

A second account from the Fara collection of the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin, deals similarly with allotment fields and their required seed grain. Of particular interest in this text is the fact that it records three seed grain deliveries from two different storage facilities, their sum corresponding exactly to the amount of seed grain registered in the text considered in our previous two days' slides. At 3(bur’u) 7(bur3) 9(iku), the size of the fields calculated for this seed grain very closely corresponds to that totaled in the previous text as well. We may therefore propose that this text records the seed grain for fields registered in detail in our previous Fara account.

CDLI entry: P011012

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 11 (2014-10-04)

Fields in Fara II

VAT 12656 registers altogether 104 allotment fields distributed among active members of the Fara elite community, including merchants, boatmen, smiths, carpenters, brewers, fisheries managers and other professions. The individual fields ranged in size from 2.5 to 10 iku, and, as we have seen in earlier examples, the fields were totaled on the tablet reverse, recording: 3 bur’u 7 bur3 1 eše3 GAN2, that is, 672 iku or about 220 hectare; and 21 “gur-maḫ” of seed grain, where each ED IIIa gur-maḫ contained 480 sila3, or perhaps 500 liters of grain. The seeding rate of 15 sila3 per iku corresponds to 270 sila3 per bur3, fully consistent with rates known from later periods, and with rates suspected in a previous entry to this series for the Late Uruk era.

CDLI entry: P011010

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 10 (2014-10-03)

Fields in Fara I

The Early Dynastic IIIa period (ca. 2600 BC) is best known through the clear graphic style of the scribes from Fara, ancient Šuruppak—and as a paleographic transition stage between the pictography of the archaic eras, and the increasing sign abstraction of the latter half of the 3rd millennium. German and the bedeviling contemporaneous irregular excavations at the site in the early years of the 19-naughts resulted in some 800 cuneiform artifacts moving into a variety of collections, most significant among them those of the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin, and the Arkeoloji Müzeleri, Istanbul. The image here is a cut-away from the beautifully preserved Berlin piece VAT 12656 published in 1924 by Anton Deimel (Wirtschaftstexte aus Fara no. 53), with short comment in Nissen, Damerow and Englund, Archaic Bookkeeping pp. 58-64. This account dealt with seed grain reserved for fields surrounding Šuruppak.

CDLI entry: P011010

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 9 (2014-10-02)

Calculating Jemdet Nasr barley harvests II

2N45 5N14 in seed grain recorded on the one surface of this tablet, a notation also qualified with the ideogram for barley, corresponds to 150 basic units of grain, or 15 such units per bur3 of field. Damerow and Englund have made a credible case for the absolute size of ca. 25 liters per basic unit (N1, equal to 30 day rations of ca. 0.8 liters each) of grain in the Late Uruk capacity system. The resulting 15x25 = 325 liters per bur3 compares well with standard sowing rates from 3rd millennium accounts of between 240 and 360 liters of seed grain per bur3.

CDLI entry: P005077

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 8 (2014-10-01)

Calculating Jemdet Nasr barley harvests

The issue of ancient bookkeepers making seeding and harvest predictions was not idle speculation. The present text, part of the collection of the Oriental Insitute of the University of Chicago, appears to register on the one surface a rounded field measurement of 10 bur3, while the opposite surface records a grain measure of a size that suggests it is in fact a model seeding account.

CDLI entry: P005077

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 7 (2014-09-30)

An Uruk III period (ca. 3200-3000 BC) field document from Jemdet Nasr V

Given the number and measures treated in the previous four entries, we can speculate about the form of these various fields, viewed from above. The fields of the five named Jemdet Nasr officials are sketched below an idealized main canal in our map, each receiving irrigation water from feeder canals diverting flow from the main canal, and each of these certainly further characterized by a network of smaller canals and ditches that watered the crops. We expect that the larger feeder canals led to a second main canal that carried excess water on to the next set of irrigated fields. The relative size of the area controlled by the "priest-king" of Jemdet Nasr is indicated above the central canal. That high priest of Jemdet Nasr had the use of fields corresponding to 155 bur3, or as we think sufficient crop land to support some 4,000 individuals, disregarding for now the income the ruler would have enjoyed from household herds of cattle, and sheep and goats, from his pig and carp farms, and his various imposts, customs and tithes.

CDLI entry: P005069

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 6 (2014-09-29)

An Uruk III period (ca. 3200-3000 BC) field document from Jemdet Nasr IV

The rule of archaic accountants was, eventual summations were reserved for the opposite surface of the clay tablets whose obverse surface carried individual transaction numbers. So also here, as we might already deduct from the structure of the numerical notations themselves. While the largest area notation on the obverse of this text was 1x10 plus some number of bur3, the three larger notations found at the top and right of this reverse surface all contain larger measures, including multiples of the 10-bur3 sign as well as, with notations always structured to indicate the largest units at the top of an associated group of signs, large circular impressions without centered smaller impressions. These latter signs are known to represent six of the 10-bur3 signs, or 60 bur3.

The case to the lower left contains the apparent total of all small field units qualified on the tablet’s obverse as “BAR”, here further qualified with the KI and a third sign that means wood. Later field accounts demonstrate that these were the smaller border areas of grain fields that were either unusable, or were apparently planted in trees, for instance the widely forested poplar, that would at once act as sources for construction wood, as well as a wind-break for the fields themselves. bar in Sumerian texts means outside. The middle of the three lower cases, on the other hand, contains the apparent total of all five calculated areas of the obverse text, less their outside surfaces. These KI surfaces are qualified with the snake pictogram that, again in later tradition and apparently already here, meant “to measure.” But now something unexpected happens. The lower right case contains exactly 2x the “measured” fields of the five Jemdet Nasr officials, itself qualifed with GAN2, and the famous “priest-king” sign EN known, among other media, from the offerings brought into a temple household on the Uruk Vase. Thus the priest-king of Jemdet Nasr maintained fields equaling an area, and therefore an income, twice that of his five leading officials combined.

CDLI entry: P005069

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 5 (2014-09-28)

An Uruk III period (ca. 3200-3000 BC) field document from Jemdet Nasr III

Let’s have a look at the first two of these calculated fields. In the first column (we are reading the text as its ancient scribe would have written it, namely, in lines or columns from top to bottom, and columns right to left), we note, first, four impressions of the butt end of a large round stylus held obliquely to the surface of the clay tablet, followed by five small circular impressions made by a smaller round stylus held upright. These are known to be members of the ancient sexagesimally structured numerical sign system, standing for 60 and 10, respectively. Similarly, the second case contains one obliquely impressed large sign, and four smaller circular impressions. Assuming these represent the length and width of the measured field, we may treat the two as multiplicands: 290 x 100 = 29,000 “square ninda”, later Sumerian “sar” = “garden”, or, converted to the surface area notational system that would remain largely unchanged for 3000 years, 290 iku, = 16 bur3 2 iku. We can see a large circular impression, its center further impressed with a smaller circle, followed by 6 such smaller circular impressions—thus representing our 16 bur3—and the whole is qualified with our field sign GAN2. The smaller notation at the end, however, would appear to represent not 2 iku, but rather 2 x 6 = 12.

The second column, in like fashion, contains notations—and the first cases always referenced the apparent lords of these fields, officials otherwise well-attested in the Jemdet Nasr accounts—representing the presumed mulitplicands 312 and 90, resulting in 28,080 sar, or 15 bur3 10.8 iku. We believe the last units at the very bottom of this column, actually the basic “one iku” units rotated 90° to the right, represented 1/10th of one iku, but then why not here eight rather that seven of them? This, and the previous seeming error, are but two of several small infidelities in such calculations that keep the proto-cuneiformist from being all too self-satisfied—and, we may note, the ultimate techniques used by archaic bookkeepers to calculate surface from linear measures are not clear to us.

Now—try your hand at solving the calculations of the remaining three fields.

CDLI entry: P005069

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 4 (2014-09-27)

An Uruk III period (ca. 3200-3000 BC) field document from Jemdet Nasr II

Indeed, after Langdon’s 1928 publication of the tablet in volume 7 of the series Oxford Editions of Cuneiform Texts—the clumsiest edition of cuneiform documents on record, made worse by the horrendous excavation records kept by the Oxford professor—, the Frenchman Allotte de la Fuÿe offered an improved edition in 1930 (RA 27, pp. 65-71); the Russian Vaiman futher improvements in 1966 (Peredn. sbornik, pp. 13-15); and more recently the text has been re-edited by a group of Berlin specialists (Nissen, Englund & Damerow, Frühe Schrift [1990] pp. 96-99, with English translation in their Archaic Bookkeeping [Chicago 1993] pp. 55-57), by the Swedish mathematician Friberg in 1997/98 (AfO 44/45, 19ff.) and most recently again by Englund in 1998 (OBO 160/1, 206-207 + fig. 83).

All of these specialists were struck by the evidence this and several more related texts from Jemdet Nasr offered for mathematical techniques employed by our most ancient bookkeepers to calculate surfaces based on linear measurements of their respective sides. In this record, the lengths of agricultural fields surrounding Jemdet Nasr are qualified with an upright wedge, while the field widths are indicated with horizontal wedges. To these ideographic signs are added sexagesimal notations representing counted length units, known to correspond to a (Sumerian) “ninda(n)” of ca. 6 meters. Thus purely on visual grounds, the upper surface of this tablet could be divided into five columns, each representing apparent fields, and within each column in successive cases the length, width, and corresponding field surface measures—such measures were, after all, critical to archaic farmers since they formed the basis for subsequent calculations of the seed grain needed to sow the fields, as well as of the expected harvest. This third case, counting from the top of each column, contained circular impressions known from later Babylonian records to represent surface measures.

CDLI entry: P005069

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 3 (2014-09-26)

An Uruk III period (ca. 3200-3000 BC) field document from Jemdet Nasr I

Ernest Mackay, a student of Sir Flinders Petrie, is best known for his excavations of the great Indus civilization at Mohenjo-Daro, but he is most dear to cuneiformists for his 1920s work at the massive mound of Kish in the “waist” of ancient Mesopotamia. The Kish excavators were, in 1925, made aware of random finds of decidedly archaic cuneiform tablets at the nearby mound know as Jemdet Nasr (‘hillock of [Sheikh] Nāṣr’; its ancient name is unknown), so that Mackay helped to organize a 1926 campaign to Jemdet Nasr, led by the Oxford Assyriologist Stephen Langdon. Among the most significant of the discoveries from the work at the small settlement is the text pictured here. With its striking and uniformly deep, round and conical impressions, the text was early on recognized as an account containing calculations of fields. To the upper left of the tablet’s reverse surface (pictured at the bottom), you will find the same GAN2 sign of our previous text, and below that register, to the lower left, two cases with the same KI. But the number signs are the text’s most captivating elements ...

CDLI entry: P005069

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 2 (2014-09-25)

An ED I-II (ca. 2900-2700 BC) field document on stone II

We warn our students to avoid speculative identifications of the most ancient forms of cuneiform signs based solely on pictographic similarities. However, the two signs highlighted here enjoyed an unbroken history of use in Babylonian documents, remaining essentially unchanged both in their graphic form, as well as in their context within cuneiform texts. Both also, though seemingly abstract, have concrete pictographic referents. The sign to the left, read in Sumerian “ki” and meaning “place or “settlement,” will have been a representation of meandering waterways that fed southern Mesopotamia’s life-sustaining canals. We may imagine that this in turn represented the first, unstructured stage of settlement in the riverine south. The second sign, read in Sumerian “GAN2” or perhaps “aša5,” represented straight feeder, and secondary canals prepared and maintained to support the irrigation agriculture that formed the basis for Babylonian economic, political and military strength in the millennia of the pre-Christian age in the Middle East. This sign GAN2 is qualified in the case indicated with a numerical notation that represented some 162 hectares of arable land.

CDLI entry: P427655

credit: rke

Babylonian field management: 1 (2014-09-24)

An ED I-II (ca. 2900-2700 BC) field document on stone I

We have in an earlier series described some of the textual evidence documenting building construction in Mesopotamia. The current slide initiates a number of entries dedicated to the bookkeeping involved in the management of the agricultural fields whose harvests fed the city craftsmen and laborers and therefore ultimately made the construction and maintenance of such buildings possible. This first text is found on a cylindrical stone in the Swiss Bodmer Museum, representing the type of document called kudurrus in later Babylonian tradition. Most of these texts were edited in a two-volume work by the University of Chicago Orientalists Ignace Gelb, Piotr Steinkeller and Robert Whiting (=Oriental Institute Publications vol. 104). Steinkeller particularly has identified a sign combination |SILA3axDUGa| found on this text as characteristic of early field sale contracts.

CDLI entry: P427655

credit: rke

Montserrat Museum: 20 (2014-09-12)

Various fragments and new joins; Montserrat Museum.

Collections of the size as the one of the Museum of the Abbey of Montserrat keep many fragments as well. During the imaging mission in Montserrat several of the approximately 90 fragments could be joined. It is likely that further fragments (those are shown with reduced opacity) lead to further joins in the future.
Since the texts in the collection have been imaged by using a flat-bed scanner, a preliminary (digital) joining can be achieved from any place.

CDLI entry: Fragments

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Montserrat Museum: 19 (2014-09-11)

Possible Fake; Montserrat Museum, MM unn. 11.

The collection of Montserrat Museum contains several cuneiform forgeries. These include 7 clay tablets, 5 clay barrels, 2 stone bowls, and a figurine (I. M. Rowe & M. Molina, "Cuneiform forgeries in the Museu Bíblic of Montserrat (Barcelona)," Fs. Sanmartín [2006], 289ff.). Some of these forgeries seem to imitate cuneiform characters quite accurately. MM 441, which is clearly a forgery, appears not just to draw from Neo-Babylonian sign forms, but also from contemporary royal inscriptions. Others completely deviate from any original sign forms.

An intriguing object is a figurine in the collection. This possible fake resembling an amulet is quite unique. At the feet of the figure a slab is depicted with nine lines of inscription. The sign forms resemble the monumental script of the Old Babylonian period (ca. 1900-1600 BC). Nevertheless, the text itself makes no sense. It is difficult to date such an object. The female figurine wears clothes that seem to date to Late Antiquity. This "fake" could be a work of Late Antiquity. There are cases, when inscriptions, already ancient back then, have been found and re-used. A very good example is MS 2400, a building inscription dating to the Lagash II period (2200-2100 BC), which has been re-used as amulet in early Islamic times; its "excavator" added an Arabic inscription without erasing the cuneiform text. The figurine in Montserrat, however, represents a different case. It is imaginable, but not provable, that an ancient inscription was found and used as model for the slab at the feet of the figurine.

CDLI entry: P432947

credit: kw & bl

Montserrat Museum: 18 (2014-09-10)

Early Old Babylonian royal inscriptions by Sîn-kāšid; Montserrat Museum.

Montserrat Museum holds a larger collection of royal inscriptions that commemorate building projects by the ruler Sîn-kāšid. These texts date to the Early Old Babylonian period (ca. 2000-1900 BC).

These short inscriptions are attested in two shapes. A group uses a tablet-shape, another one little cones. Building inscriptions as these were usually deposited in the foundations of temples, but the high amount of manuscripts suggests that these small objects were possibly distributed in order to commemorate Sîn-kāšid's temple building.

CDLI entries: List of tablets
List of cones

credit: kw & bl

Montserrat Museum: 17 (2014-09-09)

Early Old Babylonian royal inscription by Sîn-kāšid; Montserrat Museum, MM 710-8.

This cone dating to the Early Old Babylonian period (ca. 2000-1900 BC) commemorates the building of a temple for god Lugalbanda and his spouse Ninsun by Sîn-kāšid, king of Uruk and king of Amnanum.

The inscription contains an interesting reference to the silver equivalencies at that time:

In his period of kingship, according to the market value of his land, 3 kor of barley, 12 minas of wool, 10 minas of copper, 3 ban of vegetable oil cost one shekel of silver.

CDLI entry: P432704
CDLI composite text: P448524

credit: kw & bl

Montserrat Museum: 16 (2014-09-08)

Middle Hittite fragments; Montserrat Museum, MM 1501 and MM 1502.

The collection of the Montserrat Museum holds several fragments containing Middle Hittite texts. MM 1501 on the left-hand side joins to Bo. 363 (Istanbul Museum) and contains a text known as the "Great Feast of Arinna" (CTH 634). This composition is well attested in the Hittite documentation (see the list of available manuscript in the Konkordanz der hethitischen Texte).

The second fragment was classified as fragment describing rituals for cultic feasts (CTH 670) (see the list of available manuscript in the Konkordanz der hethitischen Texte).

CDLI entry: MM 1501 and MM 1502

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Montserrat Museum: 15 (2014-09-07)

List of body-parts; Montserrat Museum, MM 502.

In the Old Babylonian period (ca. 1900-1600 BC) we know a list of body-parts, whose first entry is ugu-mu, "my skull." The entries of this lexical text start with the skull and move down to the feet. Most of its manuscripts attest only the Sumerian designations. Nevertheless there are already in the Old Babylonian period bilingual versions, which provide Akkadian translations.

This small fragment in the Montserrat Museum is such an example.

CDLI entry: P283788

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Montserrat Museum: 14 (2014-09-06)

List of plants and drugs for treatment of illnesses; Montserrat Museum, MM 501.

The fragment originates from Babylon and originally belonged most likely to a private "library" in a Neo-Babylonian house (see O. Pedersén, ADOG 25 [2005], 279ff.). This private house was in a well-located area of Babylon, not far off of the famous ziqqurat of Marduk, the Etemenanki. The approximately sixty tablets that can be assigned to this house date to the second half of the first millennium BC and mainly to the Achaemenid and Hellenistic periods.

The tablet had two columns on both obverse and reverse. The text contains a list of plants and drugs that were used as sole cure for ailments. Each entry provides (1) the name of the plant or drug categorised with the Sumerian classifier u2, "plant," (2) the name of the illness and (3) the way of applying the plant for treatment. Such lists are organised either by the plants or by the illnesses. MM 501 follows the latter case.

The tablets BAM 4, 380 and STT 1, 92 are duplicates, which provide the information in three columns instead of two as on MM 501.

Such lists differ from more complex recipes that includes different kinds of plants and ingredients for the treatment of illnesses.

Edition: B. Böck, "Die medizinischen Texte der Tontafelsammlung des Klostermuseums Montserrat," Fs Tragan (2011), 22ff.

CDLI entry: P285452

credit: kw & bl

Montserrat Museum: 13 (2014-09-05)

Medical recipe; Montserrat Museum, MM 479.

This small tablet in the Montserrat Museum dates to the Neo-Babylonian period (ca. 626-539 BC). It was published by F. Köcher in the fourth volume of Die babylonisch-assyrische Medizin und Untersuchungen as BAM IV, 392. It is the only example of an incomplete recipe containing various designations for drugs. Texts as this example omit the description of the symptoms of an illness.

Edition: B. Böck, "Die medizinischen Texte der Tontafelsammlung des Klostermuseums Montserrat," Fs Tragan (2011), 30ff.

CDLI entry: P285463

credit: kw & bl

Montserrat Museum: 12 (2014-09-04)

Achaemenid letter; Montserrat Museum, MM 504.

The institutional archive of the Eanna temple in Uruk consists of approximately 8,000 texts (see the remarks in Jursa, Neo-Babylonian Legal and Administrative Documents, 2005, 138f.). The texts predominately date to the early reign of the Neo-Babylonian king Nabopolassar. The latest texts date to the 29th year of Darius. There is a break in the archive in the second year of Darius, which might be connected to investigations regarding the corrupt official Gimillu. Although many texts belonging to the Eanna archive have been found by the German excavators, many texts came via illicit excavations onto the antiquities market and found their way into major US and European museum collections.

This letter from the Eanna archive in the Museum of the Abbey of Montserrat dates to a time of great tension. The administration of the Eanna temple underwent a major re-arrangement after the Persian conquest of Babylonia. As the text also mentions, we are in the term of the satrap Gobryas (line 11: gu-bar-ru). The letter writer Innin-ahhe-iddin writes to his superior Nadin as follows (edition: Stolper, Achaemenid History 13, 265ff.):

There is no-one who has exact information about my rations except for you. (You,) my lord, should consult your list, whether old or current, (and) [(you,) my lord should] send me my rations. I have seen the document that you sent me. It is satisfactory to me. Until Gobryas has had assignments made(?) for temple-slaves of Bel, Nabû, or Nergal, their rations are paid according to the list from (the time of) Nebuchadnezzar.

CDLI entry: P432824

credit: kw & bl

Montserrat Museum: 11 (2014-09-03)

Neo-Babylonian text about land register from Uruk; Montserrat Museum, MM 220b.

Among the Neo-Babylonian texts and fragments kept in the Museum of the Abbey of Montserrat is this well-preserved fragment of a text dealing with land register (edition: C. Wunsch, AuOr 15, 141ff.). Although not preserved the tablet can be dated after the 13th year of the Neo-Babylonian king Nabonidus (543 BC).

The text represents an inventory of various fields and gardens in and around the city of Uruk. For Neo-Babylonian Uruk we have the large institutional archive of the Eanna-temple, to which currently about 9,000 texts can be assigned. The plots mentioned in this text are related to the temple and in at least two cases private land was transferred to the temple estates.

Another aspect of this text is noteworthy. It provides information about the location and size of temple estates in that area and furthermore allows insights into the administrative procedures related to these lands. The areas mentioned in this text seem not to be adjacent to each other. One plot has already been registered in a previous inventory. It adds the remark akî lē'i labīri šaṭir, "as is written on the old tablet."

CDLI entry: P432823

credit: kw & bl

Montserrat Museum: 10 (2014-09-02)

Legal document dating to the Old Babylonian period; Montserrat Museum, MM 830.

Old Babylonian legal texts are easy to recognise. They carry many physical features, which make them stand out compared to legal and administrative texts of the Ur III or early Old Babylonian period.

This small document in the collection of the Montserrat Museum (edition: J. A. Belmonte Marín, "Old Babylonian Administrative and Legal Texts from the Montserrat Museum," AuOr 15 [1997], no. 12) is a typical loan of silver, whose content starts with the amount of silver. It states that an individual, whose name is just partially preserved, received silver in order to buy barley. As frequently attested this document contains the following clause:

On the day of [the harvest time] he shall measure out barley (at the current) [mar]ket [rate in effect] to the bearer of [his] do[cument].

This clause is followed by several witnesses and a date, which allows us for dating this document into the 18th year of the Babylonian ruler Samsu-ditana.

The cross-hatching on the reverse is not modern damage. The texts represents a cancelled tablet, which was invalidated by striking text and seal impression on the reverse.

CDLI entry: P432857

credit: kw & bl

Montserrat Museum: 9 (2014-09-01)

Court decision following the contestation of a slave purchase; Montserrat Museum, MM 495.

This tablet in the collection of Montserrat Museum (published as MVN 18, 321) dates to the Ur III period (ca. 2100-2000 BC) and records a court decision following the contestation, by an officer, of a slave purchase by one of his men. The oath taken by the slave himself established the legal rights of the buyer.

Aḫīma bought (the slave) Šu-Erra,
son of Ur-Bilgames, for 10 shekels of silver;
Pussunum, his officer-of-sixty, said:
"He did not buy him;"
Šu-Erra, Šukubum (and) Azuli appeared as witnesses;
among them, Šu-Erra was delivered to take the oath;
after Šu-Erra had sworn, Aḫīma took over the slave.
(Act established) in the presence of Lu-amana;
year: “The king Amar-Suen destroyed Urbilum”
(= 2nd year of the reign of Amar-Suen, ca. 2045 BC).

CDLI entry: P101616

credit: kw & bl

Montserrat Museum: 8 (2014-08-31)

Round clay label (bulla) with text and seal impression; Montserrat Museum, MM 221.

The Ur III period (ca. 2100-2000 BC) attests to many different forms of text artifacts. A rather important, but small group are clay labels, which are attested in various forms. The collection of the Museum of the Abbey of Montserrat keeps this round label (a kind of documents that archaeologists call bullae). To produce such a label, a lump of clay enclosed either a cord or textile to protect the content against manipulation.

The outer surface of this label was sealed and inscribed. The economic account written on it deals with four oxen and 32 sheep and goats that were killed (for sacrifice) (ba-uš2). They belonged to the property of a certain Tahiš-atal, an individual that is quite frequently mentioned in Ur III documents.

Our document dates to the 6th year in the reign of Amar-Suen. After the date follows a term that is attested several times on such bullae: e2tum for Akkadian bîtum, "house" (see discussion by Heimpel, JAOS 114, 1996, 280 with previous literature). Following UTI 3, 2105 in the Arkeoloji Müzeleri in Istanbul, which separates im e2-tum and im didli, "'house' tablets" and "single tablets," it seems that e2-tum designates a kind of container within the tablet box that was closed and provided with a sealed label.

The same technical term is used on JRL 331, another of those labels, as well. Also the seal is the same, although on the example in Montserrat the impression is rather worn out. The text in the John Rylands Library dates to the accession year of Amar-Suen and concerns 48 oxen and cows and a large amount of sheep and goats that represent offerings. It is rather likely that the container or bag, for which such a label was intended for, contained single documents for the respective month. Therefore, the label in Montserrat concerns a period from the 18th of the 5th month until the 12th month.

CDLI entry: P101388

credit: kw & bl

Montserrat Museum: 7 (2014-08-30)

Tablet still in its envelope dating to the Ur III period; Montserrat Museum, MM 107.

The majority of texts in the Museum of the Abbey of Montserrat date to the Ur III period (ca. 2100-2000 BC). The dense (administrative) documentation in this period allows for a thorough analysis of its economy and of the social and political context.

At first glance, this small document looks like most of the tablets dating to this period. But in fact it is a text clad in a clay envelope. The envelope is still unopened. Luckily for us, and as long we trust the information provided on the envelope's surface, there is no need to break the envelope and check the tablet. In ancient times that was done. Hence many fragments of envelopes are nowadays preserved without any trace of the enclosed tablet. In such cases the imprint of the tablet on the inner side of the envelope helps identifying, at least partially, the content of a text.

On the right side an opened envelope together with the tablet found inside is shown. As is clear from this MM 94 the tablet's content is repeated on the envelope.

In contrast to the enclosed tablet the envelope was sealed. Unfortunately text publications often ignore the pictorial information of the respective seals and concentrate on the text information provided by the seal legends. It is clear from the way the seal was impressed that the legend was the most important part of the seal, because it provided enough authentification and an identification of the owner of the seal, responsible of the transaction. The pictorial scene is not completely impressed, but it can be deduced from the remains that a goddess takes an adorant by his hand and leads him in front of a seated or standing deity. Such introduction scenes were a rather common theme on seals at the end of the 3rd and beginning of the 2nd millennium BC.

CDLI entry: P101299

credit: kw & bl

Montserrat Museum: 6 (2014-08-29)

Lexical text with geographical section; Montserrat Museum, MM 859 + MM 860

The collection of the Museum of the Abbey of Montserrat keeps a small selection of lexical texts from Mesopotamia, most notably a copy of tablet XXI of the multi-thematic series ur5-ra : hubullu (edited in MSL 11). This section of the series contains geographical names.

M. Molina published lexical and other school texts in the Montserrat collection (Molina, Fs Cagni, 751ff.; 753 no. 6). In doing so, he could join the small fragment MM 860, which adds important information to the first column and hence to the first entries of the list, whose reconstruction is still rather tentative due to its absence among the texts of the Kuyuncik collection.

Another text dealing with toponyms and also dating to the Neo-Babylonian period is Ashm 1923-277.

CDLI entry: P283789

credit: kw & bl

Montserrat Museum: 5 (2014-08-28)

Neo-Babylonian manuscript of the a ritual regarding the well; Montserrat Museum, MM 889.

In 1971 R. Caplice published a couple of further texts in the Kuyuncik collection of the British Museum, which are classified as belonging to the genre of nam-bur2-bi (Caplice, OrNS 40, 133ff.). As No. 49 he collected manuscripts belonging to tablet XVII of the terrestrial omens, whose first entry is Šumma ālu ina mēlê šakin, "When a city is placed on a height." This large series originally contained 120 tablets. Each entry, as it is common for omens, starts with a protasis introducing a condition. The apotheosis provides a result.

Two years later Caplice published the present tablet kept in the collection of the Museum of the Abbey of Montserrat with a hand-copy by M. Civil (Caplice, OrNS 40, 511ff.). This text is a duplicate, whose scribal hand and physical characteristics substantiates a Neo-Babylonian date. The colophon, though preserved, unfortunately gives no name of the responsible scribe.

Each entry is introduced by the number sign DIŠ, which is rendered šumma in Akkadian (meaning “if”). Except for a copule of syllabically written words, most of the text uses Sumerian logograms. That is quite common in late scholarly compositions. Let us give a couple of lines in translation, which are preserved in the Montserrat manuscript:

If a man opens a well in the middle of his house, he will have trouble (var.) he will grow rich.
If he opens a well in the cattle yard, he will have good luck.
If he opens a well in the back of the house, he will grow poor.
If he opens a well in the woods, he will grow rich.
If he opens a well in garden plots, he will eat thick bread.
If he opens a well at the side of his house, income will flow in for him.
If a man, when he opens a well, sees silver, that house will grow poor.
If he sees gold, that man will live to an old age.
If he sees tin, his fame will be fair.

The text continues on giving a rather long list of metals and going on to stone, ants and so forth. As this passage shows, the compilers tried to exploit as many possibilities as there are. This is a feature well known from the Mesopotamian lexical tradition as well.

The reverse contains in its lower part (directly above the colophon) a Namburbi ritual "for a new well, an old well, the repair of a well or washing place of a man's house." It gives minute instructions for someone who wants to dig a well. These include purification rituals and the recitation of certain incantations (in this case the incantation "Well of Gilgameš").

CDLI entry: P432877

credit: kw & bl

Montserrat Museum: 4 (2014-08-27)

Manuscript of the Akkadian poem "Išum and Erra"; Montserrat Museum, MM 837.

The Akkadian poem known as "Išum and Erra" is, as Andrew George put it, "a portrayal of violence (...), how it needs to be recognized and feared as potentially the most powerful of forces. Violence can eliminate even the order ordained by the gods and sweep away in its frenzy all the hopes and accomplishments of civilization" (A. R. George, Before the Muses [2005], 880).

This literary text is one of a few compositions that name its author:

How it came to pass that Erra grew angry and set out to lay waste the lands and destroy their peoples,
But Ishum his counsellor calmed him and left a remnant,
The composer of its text was Kabti-ilani-Marduk, of the family of Dabibi.
He revealed it at night (...),
Nor one line did he add.

MM 837 is one of two manuscripts of this literary text in the collection of Montserrat Museum. The other fragment, MM 841, originally contained a complete copy of Tablet V of the poem.

CDLI entry: P432861

credit: kw & bl

Montserrat Museum: 3 (2014-08-26)

Late Babylonian manuscript of the first tablet of the "Atra-hasis Epic"; Montserrat Museum, MM 818.

The collection of the Museum of the Abbey of Montserrat contains a small amount of Akkadian literary fragments. Among these is a fragmentary copy of the first tablet of the famous "Atra-hasis Epic". It is the lower fifth of a one-column tablet, whose obverse and reverse originally contained about 50 lines each. This would coincide with the physical characteristics of contemporary manuscripts from the "Sippar library" (A. R. George and F. N. H. Al-Rawi, Iraq 58, 1996). The place of origin for the Montserrat fragment is not known. However, P. Ubach acquired several text artifacts in the 1920s directly from Babylon and this fragment might come from there.

The extant text on MM 818 belongs to the opening episodes of the epic, but shows intriguing variations to the manuscripts in the first millennium BC. This fragment preserves lines 38-61 of the composition. This is a very crucial passage in the text, where the Igigi gods, who were once created to undertake the hard labour, start to complain about their fate.

CDLI entry: P432823

credit: kw & bl

Montserrat Museum: 2 (2014-08-25)

Fragment of the “Instructions of Ur-Ninurta” dating to the Middle Babylonian period; Montserrat Museum, MM 487b

This fragment in Montserrat Museum is a splinter of the obverse of a tablet dating to the Middle Babylonian period (ca. 1400-1100 BC). It is now assumed that this fragment originally belonged to a six- or eight-column tablet with a total of approximately 320 lines. This tablet would have contained several compositions (for the latest edition see I. Rowe, "The Montserrat Fragment of the Instructions of Ur-Ninurta", ZA 102 [2012], 179ff.). This is based on the Old Babylonian tablet VS 10, 204. That tablet contained a still unknown composition (A) followed by the Disputation of the Bird and the Fish (B). The third composition or group of compositions is known as Instructions of Ur-Ninurta (C). These precede a fourth group known as Counsels of Wisdom. Some of the latter two compositions might have been independent texts originally.

The Montserrat fragment adds important bilingual information to this Sumerian composition. The text contains several Akkadian glosses, which are written in smaller script slightly above the lines. The Middle Babylonian period represents a transitional phase. Various Sumerian literary compositions were transmitted together with their Akkadian interlinear translations. On this fragment however (partial) translations are still presented as glosses.

Edition: B. Alster, Wisdom of Ancient Sumer, 2005, 221ff.

CDLI entry: P432823

credit: kw & bl

Montserrat Museum: 1 (2014-08-24)

Sumerian fragment of the "Instructions of Šuruppag" dating to the Old Babylonian period; Montserrat Museum, MM 477+MM 864

The Sumerian literary composition known nowadays as "Instructions of Šuruppag" is one of the few literary texts, whose ancestors can be traced back into the Early Dynastic period. Of these, the version from Tell Abu Salabikh (ca. 2600-2500 BC; OIP 99, 323+) is the most complete. Another, quite fragmentary version comes from Adab.

However, the best documentation dates to the Old Babylonian period with a large amount of Sumerian versions. Among one of those manuscripts is also this tablet in the Montserrat Museum. It contains an extract of the Sumerian text. Its provenience is unfortunately not certain.

The "Instructions of Šuruppag" belong to a sub-genre of Mesopotamian Wisdom Literature. It contains instructions addressed to a son by his father, namely the ruler of the antediluvian city of Šuruppag. Although one expects that the instructions shall prepare his son to the role as ruler, the text is not explicit in that regard. The advices mainly feature proverbial sayings, so, for instance:

At the time of the harvest, at the most precious time,
glean like a slave girl, eat like a queen,
my son, glean like a slave girl, but eat like a queen, that is how it should be indeed!

Edition: B. Alster, Wisdom of Ancient Sumer, 2005, 46ff.

CDLI entry: P432820

credit: kw & bl